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supposed her chief was in the habit of providing for their sustenance.

By such sentimental effusions, in the school-book cited, and others, of the same period, and too often by exaggerated descriptions of Southern slavery in the Northern newspaper press, the minds of ingenuous youth were moulded. The latter teaching was prompted by political motives, as the former, doubtless, often was by ill-instructed considerations of humanity. But in this way it happened, and, to a certain extent, by the influence of the pulpit, also, that the people of New England, especially, were educated in a system of prejudices against those who tolerated an institution, which seemed abominable to such as heard only about its worst features. At a much later period, when this sort of literature had become more telling in its effect, a highly popular writer gave to the world a series of poems, devoted to the special purpose of uplifting the negro in the general scale, and of exciting express and active sympathy in his behalf, as a slave. One of these pieces, which sets forth the interesting qualities of a venerable colored person, begins by bringing him at once within the range of our religious associations :

“Loud he sang the Psalms of David,

He a negro and enslaved.”

But while this performance reminds one of Sir Piercie Shafton's remorseless chant of five hundred love verses, at the tower of Glendearg, the reference to the minstrel king in the couplet was, perhaps, introduced for the sake of the awkward rhyme; since, proverbially vocal as the race is, the Psalms in question, either wholly or in part, must be supposed to have been sung only in the admirable paraphrases of Dr. Watts, or those of the Wesleys and others. Afterwards, was produced by a lady, who even surpassed Mrs. Morton in imaginative faculty, that highly sensational romance, in which the vicious incidents, which may have been spread over the surface of a generation, were collected and brought into the compass of a brief experience; and then,

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mixed up with absurdities and impossibilities, were exhibited as a picture of the effect of slaveholding upon the superior race in the South, on the one hand; while on the other, the worthy and pious black man, whose name and dwelling. place give the title to the work, was represented as the type of all those virtuous and noble qualities which have graced the lives and dignified the last hours of the most illustrious heroes and martyrs.

If these exaggerated and distorted delineations were to be taken as true, it would seem that, whatever other objections might be urged with justice against Southern slavery, it was a condition by no means inconsistent with a manifestation of the highest human characteristics. But after the arrangement of the Missouri question, a considerable period had elapsed, and a great deal of training had been undergone, before the public mind of the North was prepared to give writings of the latter description, the enthusiastic welcome which at length they actually received. After the culmination of that controversy, the topic of slavery, in most of its aspects, ceased, for a series of years, to excite any particular interest in the popular mind.' Sectional sentiment, so far as it entered into the consideration of politics, had been thus far superficial and temporary in its influence among the masses of the people.

* Enlightened philanthropists devoted themselves to the colonization of negroes in their native country, under continual opprobrium from the abolitionists, and the respectable and flourishing Republic of Liberia was the fruit of their thoughtful and liberal care.


The former “Federalist” and “ Republican " Parties.- Political Questions during Mr.

Monroe's Administration, and that of Mr. Adams and General Jackson.-Certain Sources of Good Feeling between the sections.-West Indian Emancipation.-George Thompson.-Anti-Abolition Meeting in Boston.-John Henry.-Great Britain and the United States.-Washington's Advice.-Mr. Roebuck's Speech at Sheflield, June 10th, 1865.—Progress of Abolition.-Views of President Jackson, Governor Marcy, Governor Everett, and Mr. Clay.

year 1816. * On the other hand, it should be remarked that, upon constitutional principles, such a restriction of trade, or forced diversion of it from any of its ordinary channels into one particular direction, could be defended only on the ground of making all the interests of the country contribute as equally as possible, in their degree, to the general benefit. Any system of domestic policy, for example, which tends to the limitation of free trade, ought to be adopted, if at all, in order to promote the welfare of the Republic, by strengthening the bonds of the Union. Hence, it was peculiarly incumbent upon the New England States, which derived especial advantage from the tariff system, to cultivate Union sentiments, and to discountenance whatever tended to enfeeble them. This they did for a considerable period; but at length it appeared that very many of those whose private interests had been most promoted by such a system, after the North had obtained sufficient power to reëstablish and to uphold it, were persuaded to change their political positions, and, with strange inconsistency, to serve the ends of the “geographical" party. This seems neither grateful nor just; nor does it seem likely to promote their substantial interests in the end.

The old party lines of Federalists and Republicans had become almost obliterated by the general fusion of both, at the election of Mr. Monroe for President, in the On that occasion, this slaveholding successor of Jefferson and Madison received the electoral suffrage of sixteen States, amounting in all to one hundred and eighty-three votes, against thirty-four given to his Federal rival, Mr. King of New York, by Massachusetts, Connecticut and Maryland. Mr. Monroe was chosen for his second term of office in 1820, by an electoral ballot lacking only one vote to make it entirely unanimous. The elements and the political tendencies of the former parties remained, indeed, distributed throughout all the several States, without essential change in the coinparative numbers of the advocates of old opinions. France, in the mean time, had finally emerged from the vortex of revolution, had been an empire instead of a republic, and was now a monarchy under the rule of its ancient line of kings. The long European struggle had enlisted the feel. ings of the two parties in this country, in correspondence with their earlier prepossessions. The war of the United States with Great Britain had still further widened this di. vision of sentiment. The occasion and the foundation of POLITICAL QUESTIONS.


this diversity of opinion, however, had now passed away; and it is probable that the popular feeling, which had been wrought upon until it led to the free-soil demonstration of 1820, was very much owing to the want of any other absorbing subject of national difference to engage the attention of political parties.

During the course of Mr. Monroe's administration, however, the several subjects of the Tariff, the United States Bank, of Internal Improvements and the Navy, had undergone thorough discussion, and had finally awakened the eager interest of the nation. The first named, though obviously national in its general results, by promoting the revenues of the Federal Government, yet, in its specific operation, affected the two sections in different ways. If the protection afforded by it added to the value of the manufactures of the North, the tariff also furnished the South a nearer market for its chief productions, to be distributed among fellow-citizens, and to be procured at a lower rate of transportation. If the competition between the foreign and the domestic manufacturer brought down the price of the article, that evil would be partially cured at least, whenever the latter should be able to measure strength successfully with his foreign rival. As soon as it becomes no longer advantageous to the foreigner to export manufactured goods into the country which produces the raw material, the price of that material to the home manufacturer becomes, to a considerable extent, within the control of its producer.

By adhering judiciously and systematically to such a policy, as was originally proposed by the South and finally assented to by the North—but which was deviated from, upon political considerations totally apart from the interests actually at stake, and therefore substantially without regard to them-incalculable benefits would have accrued to the common country, and a closer bond of union would have been maintained. The discussion of the other topics of national policy referred to brought into more or less prominence the former differences of opinion, in regard to Federal and State rights. A national bank, a powerful navy, and a system of internal improvements, conducted under the patronage of the General Government, it was held by the opponents of those measures, tended to build up a formidable central power, not unlikely to prove unfavorable to the common liberty. The second of these points was a mere question of policy, no more involving considerations of constitutional authority, than the support of a sufficient military force for the land service; and it might have been remembered, that a navy in all ages has proved almost uniformly and signally patriotic. Mr. Monroe had doubted the constitutional power of the General Government to institute works of internal improvement; but so impressed was be with the conviction of their general value and necessity, that he recommended, by message to Congress, an amendment of the Constitution, by which that power should be conferred.

Doubtless, the benefits to be derived from such works would be felt very unequally by the several States since the improvements would be principally made in the comparatively unsettled portions of the country, where they were most needed: but the eventual advantage, of a great public

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