THE SOUTH SECURE ENOUGH.

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against those Northern members of Congress who voted for the measure, it was violated also, in spirit, by continuous aggression from the free States; until the acquisition of further territory presented the occasion of dispute in a novel aspect, from which eventually followed the settlement of 1850.

The latter compromise, abandoning the demarcation of any specific line between the free and the slave States, was devised in order to balance certain discordant interests which, in reality, did not admit of any permanent equilibrium. The effect of it was, to open the whole question of slavery, in connection with the possessions of the United States, outside of the Union. Yet, if the South had been content to leave matters as they really stood, upon the adoption of the measures of 1850, she would have been perfectly secure, notwithstanding any dissatisfaction which existed at the North. It is true, that there were several complicated questions of constitutional principle, mixed up with those measures, which had drawn forth eminently able discussion, from both sides, during the very long period that they occupied the attention of the Senate, and which could hardly be held to have been definitively settled, except so far as the will of a majority was expressed in the determination of the points at issue.

But, on the other hand, it was obviously a vain struggle of the South against inexorable facts, already decided by the great and naturally increasing preponderance of political power in the North. It would have been better, therefore, for the Southern States to be satisfied to remain what Mr. Calhoun once said they would ever be, if the principles which he advocated were maintained-" a respectable portion of the Union "-relying upon the justice of the friends of the Constitution at the North, who were very largely in the majority, and sure to maintain their strength, so long as the Constitution itself should stand. In fact, there was no cause whatever for apprehension in regard to slavery in the

1

Speech in February, 1847, upon introducing certain resolutions.

States. Unhappily, it was conceived that the Southern States had the power, in combination with the Northern conservatives, to compel compliance with objects which were, in the very nature of the case, impracticable; and what has been lost by them, was lost in the pursuit of a shadow cast by the very substance which was actually in their grasp.

Early in the course of the great debate, brought to a conclusion by the passage of the several acts already considered, Mr. Calhoun, so long the eminent leader on the Southern side, had passed away from the scene of earthly struggles.1 After the interval of a few months, President Taylor had followed him to the grave. Mr. Fillmore had succeeded that universally lamented Chief Magistrate, during the progress of the debates in question, and had assembled a new cabinet, in which Mr. Webster occupied the most commanding place. The dissatisfaction with which Mr. Webster's 7th of March speech had been received by a considerable portion of the political party with which he had acted, during his whole public life, and whose views of policy had derived such clearness and strength from his steady and splendid defence of them, was very distinctly manifested, upon the intimation that he was likely to be invited to the post of Secretary of State. The journals of the day styled his opponents "th Seward Whigs." Among the Whig newspapers which assailed him were the Albany Evening Journal and the Boston Atlas; the former ably conducted by Mr. Thurlow Weed; the latter, which, for years, had been managed with singular spirit and intelligence, having fallen into other hands, after the decease of Mr. Haughton, its original editor.

Here was the seed, and within its folds the deadly tree, from whose poisonous leaves afterwards dropped showers of blood. Already, those sectional Whigs, who would not support General Taylor, because he was a citizen of a slave

1 Warm tributes to his memory were paid by Mr. Webster, Mr. Winthrop, and many others.

A SECTIONAL CONVENTION.

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State, in concert with disappointed and factious Democrats, had held their sectional convention at Buffalo.' Already, a petition had been presented in the Senate of the United States, asking Congress to devise means for the dissolution of the Union; and the votes of Mr. Seward, Mr. Chase, and Mr. Hale had been given for its reception-a petition as reasonable and proper, and as much entitled to be received, as if its prayer had been, that the eminent members of that dignified body should commit some private, instead of the public crime it actually enjoined upon them. The Buffalo Convention had inscribed on its banners-"Free soil, free speech, free labor, and free men." Under color of preventing the extension of slavery, they had placed themselves in a position to render the political aid which was needed to the openly declared abolitionists. The three Senators, who had voted to receive petitions praying for the dissolution of the Union, had repeatedly made it known, by their public addresses, that their sympathies were with the abolition party; and it was evident that they would act in concert with it, whenever the convenient opportunity should arrive, whatever might be the revolutionary consequences to ensue. The orators, great and small, who were ready to force the elements of strife up to the point of convulsion, were numerous and active; and a demoralized and reckless press, released, to a considerable extent, from the restraints of party discipline, watched the flaws of public sentiment, or trimmed its course by the current of the fresher breeze, and took every advantage of the confusion of the public mind, to embarrass it still more, and to stimulate it with every new means of excitement.

'One of the resolutions of the Freesoil Convention at Buffalo, in 1848, declared, that the Democratic and Whig Conventions, then recently held at Baltimore and Philadelphia, "have dissolved the national party organizations heretofore existing, by nominating for the Chief Magistracy of the United States, under slaveholding dictation, candidates, neither of whom can be supported by the opponents of slavery extension,” etc. Those candidates were President Taylor and Mr. Cass.

Notwithstanding this apparent tumult of popular agita tion, however, it was, in fact, far more casual, and less extensive in its effects, than superficial manifestations might seem to indicate. Laborious efforts were continually made by the radical agitators to irritate public sentiment; but there could be no doubt that the heated feeling of the country, among the people of both sections in general, was very much allayed by the disposition which Congress had made of the several subjects to which it had given such patient and anxious attention. Doubtless, a large majority of the people were sufficiently satisfied with the result; while many, to whom it was less acceptable, were nevertheless re joiced, that topics so dangerous to the public peace and welfare had been taken out of the arena of party politics, and been set at rest, at least, for some time to come.

In fact, after the adjournment of Congress, in the year 1850, there was every prospect that a season of unusual quiet was about to succeed years of popular excitement, and of anxiety and almost despondency, on the part of leading statesmen throughout the Union.' The Democrats and conservative Whigs, together, were in possession of supreme power, could they act in reasonable unison upon questions affecting the common welfare, which were out of the range of those topics of public policy upon which they had differed; if, at length, any such points remained undecided between them. It was hoped, that now the various great economical

1 In a speech to the National Whig Convention, at Baltimore, in June, 1852, Mr. Choate thus referred to the general effect of the measures of 1850:

"Let him who doubts, if such there be, whether it were wise to pass those measures, look back and recall with what instantaneous and mighty charm they calmed the madness and anxiety of the hour! How every countenance everywhere brightened and elevated itself! How, in a moment, the interrupted and parted currents of fraternal feeling reunited! Sir, the people came together again as when, in the old Roman history, the tribes descended from the mount of secession-the great compromise of that constitution achievedand flowed together behind the eagle into one mighty host of reconciled races for the conquest of the world."-Prof. Brown's Life and Writings of Choate, vol. i., p. 176.

THE FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW.

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interests of the country, which had been too often postponed, in consequence of sectional bickerings, might hereafter engage the more undivided attention of the National Legislature. Nor was this hope disappointed by the wise and distinguished administration of Mr. Fillmore.

The fugitive slave law was the chief theme of denunciation by the radicals. Many persons to whom it was offensive, but who probably had never read the act, nor understood its provisions, though pronouncing it "a bitter pill," yet nevertheless manfully resolved to swallow it, as a medicament provided for the ailments of the body politic. But it is to be deplored that multitudes of others, who occupied conspicuous positions, and could exercise no little influence with the public, made it the subject of continual objurgation in private conversation, or in addresses to numerous assemblies. Specific objections were raised to several of the provisions of the act; at the real cause of offence consisted in the fact, that any provision, capable of being carried into effect, was made for the capture and restoration of fugitive slaves to their masters, in conformity with the compact of the Constitution.

Some years before the passage of this act, the legislative assemblies of New York and of Pennsylvania, under the influence of antislavery excitement, had repealed laws, long existing on their statute-books, which protected the owner in the possession of slaves brought with him into those States, for a period of sojourn extending, in the one case, to nine months, and in the other, to half the year. After the opinion of the Supreme Court had been promulgated, to the effect that State magistrates were under no positive obligation to execute the duties enjoined upon them by the Act of 1793, though it held them at liberty to do so, if they saw fit, unless forbidden by local legislation, not a few of the free States at once interposed prohibitory acts, restraining the local authorities from rendering any such aid. The attitude thus assumed by those several legislative bodies was not only "aggressive," but might justly be considered extremely offensive, as well as unjust, by those thus put out of the pale of neighborly comity.