under given circumstances; and, in some cases, might change the policy of the government. It is a question worthy of consideration whether there should not be an amendment to the Constitution establishing uniformity of suffrage in all the States. This point has caused much discussion in the State governments and various changes have been, from time to time, made in many of them. These have been, usually, in the direction of liberality-tending to enlarge the scope of suffrage. The property qualification, quite common in earlier times, is now rare. The fifteenth amendment, recently adopted, has largely increased the number of voters.

• 5. The experience of the Republic, thus far, has been in favor of the doctrine that it is safe to trust the people with their own interests, and that the responsibilities of self-government, when they are laid on them under the favorable circumstances that exist among us, tend to improvement instead of disorganization. Whether this will always be the case it may not be safe to assume, and a prudent regard to possibilities should not be neglected; but we should not forget that those who founded American liberty ran great risks of anarchy in the eyes of their contemporaries. We ought to be able safely to continue a policy of suffrage which they introduced with results so fortunate.

6. Education needs to be encouraged, and this has always received much attention. It is probable that but for the very liberal provision made in this respect, the fate of our government would have been very different. Many foreigners who had no early education, have been naturalized, and the colored people born in the country have been made citizens. If the remainder of the people had not been intelligent, it would no doubt have been extremely dangerous. It has led to some serious local interruptions of order and prosperity, but they have been, so far, temporary; and the general effect has been to awaken ambition for education; the children of new-made citizens have enjoyed the same facilities as others to acquire intelligence necessary to a citizen; and the right of suffrage,

when extended to the ignorant and degraded has seemed to pro duce the general effect of destroying a dangerous class by raising them gradually to intelligence and self-respect and respect for the laws, by making them the political equals of those who are socially and intellectually far above them.

7. As we grow in numbers all influences like this take a wider range, and acquire more power, and sometimes produce different results, when they become extensive, from what was the case when more limited, from the difference of influence in modifying causes; and there has always been fear of trouble from the extension of suffrage to too many ignorant persons. It is well to be cautious; but we ought to venture as far as possible for the sake of improving and elevating all classes of our people.

8. It is also a question worthy of attention if women who own property that is taxed ought not to possess the right of suffrage. The war that made us a Nation was begun because we refused to be taxed unless we could be represented, and have a vote in the body laying the taxes. The principle appears to be precisely the same; and what we fought for then should not be denied now.

CHAPTER II.

OUR CITIZENS OF FOREIGN BIRTH.

Whatever fault we may sometimes find with the conduct of our government; however much self-seeking to the neglect of the public good there may be among officials; however many weaknesses, errors, and violations of law may call for our severest reprobation, and, in moments of depression, lead us to look gloomily and doubtfully toward the future; yet it is not to be denied that the Home of real Freedom is with us. Mismanagement is but temporary, or limited, and easily admits of remedy, with time and care; our advantages are permanent and

extensive. In eighty years the population has become nearly twelve times as numerous as at the beginning of that period, and this rapid growth in numbers has been made up largely from the disposition of foreigners to make a permanent home among us. Those who are oppressed, who suffer restraint in their interests or belief, or wish for a wider career for themFelves or their families--who want a free field for business enterprise, for mental and moral development, or full play for their abilities to influence their fellow men, come to us. Here they find fair opportunity for what may be lacking elsewhere. They come here by millions; the poor, by industry, become rich; the oppressed leave persecutions and galling burdens behind them; and genius finds full play for its aspirations in whatever direction its energies may be turned.

At the time of the last Census there were 5,567,229 persons in the Union, and forming part of our population, of foreign birth. A large part of these have become citizens by Naturalization. The remainder, or their descendants, if they remain here, will become citizens by that process, or by lapse of time.

After they have become familiar with our institution, ideas, and habits, they are incorporated with the body of our citizens. and are a part of the Nation. The naturalized citizen may become, in time, a State officer, or member of Congress, if he can make himself acceptable to his fellow citizens; or he may possibly live to see his son President of the United States.

Congress alone has power, under the Constitution, to enact naturalization laws. Suffrage, or the right of voting, is left to the regulation of the States, within certain limits; but every citizen, made such by law of the General Government, is also a citizen of the State in which he resides, and will acquire, within such times as State regulations shall determine, the right

to vote.

State laws regarding suffrage vary. Some States even admit aliens who are not citizens of the United States to the right of suffrage and to other privileges; and most require any citizen to reside a prescribed length of time in the State before he

can vote. A uniform regulation in all the States would be desirable.

HOW TO BECOME A CITIZEN.

Any alien, having arrived in the United States after the age of eighteen years, may be admitted to the rights of citizenship, after a declaration, upon his part, or oath or affirmation, before the Supreme, Superior, District, or Circuit Court of, or any court of record having common law jurisdiction in, any of the United States, or of the territories thereto belonging, or before a Circuit or District Court of the United States, or the Clerk or Prothonotary of any of the aforesaid courts, two years at least before his admission, that it is his bona fide intention to become a citizen of the United States, and to renounce forever all allegiance and fidelity to any foreign prince, potentate, State or sovereignty whatever, and particularly by name, the prince, potentate, State, or sovereignty, whereof such alien may at any time have been a citizen or subject; if such alien has borne any hereditary title, or been of any of the orders of nobility in the kingdom or State from which he came, he must, moreover, expressly renounce his title or order of nobility, in the court in which his application is made, which renunciation is to be recorded in such county; and the court admitting such alien must also be satisfied that he has continuously resided in the United States for five years, at least, immediately preceding his naturalization, and also within the State or Territory wherein such court is at the time held, at least one year immediately previous to such naturalization; and that during such five years he has been of good moral character, attached to the principles of the Constitution of the United States, and well disposed to the good order and happiness of the same; the oath of at least two citizens of the United States is requisite to prove the fact of such residence; and, at the time of his application to be admitted to citizenship, he must make, upon oath or affirmation, the same declaration of renunciation and abjuration of allegiance to any foreign power, and also make oath or affirmation to support the Constitution of the United States; all of

which proceedings are to be recorded by the Clerk or Prothonotary of the proper court.

If any alien, having legally filed his declaration of intention to become a citizen and taken the necessary oath or affirmation, die before he is actually naturalized, his widow and children are entitled to all the rights and privileges of citizens, upon taking the required oaths or affirmations.

Any alien arriving in the United States under the age of eighteen years, and continuously residing therein until the time of his application for citizenship, may, after reaching the age of twenty-one years, and having been a resident within the United States for five years, including the three years of his minority, be admitted a citizen, without making the formal declaration of intention required in other cases; but at the time of his admission he must make such declaration, and further satisfy the court, upon oath or affirmation, that, for the three years immediately preceding, it had been his bona fide intention to become such citizen, and in all other respects must comply with the naturalization laws of the United States.

Severe penalties for counterfeiting any evidence of citizenship, or disposing of a certificate of naturalization to any person other than the one for whom it was issued, are imposed by act of Congress.

1. A pure democracy is a government in which all the people who have the proper qualifications for voting personally take part-or have the right to do so-in the discussion of public measures, and enactment of the laws. This is not practicable unless the State consist of a small number cf persons; and a representative democracy is substituted, in which the masses of the people exercise the voting and ruling preroga