The Life of Abraham Lincoln, Volume 2 |
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Page 6
... thing of what was before him when he became president . But the pressure and persistence of those who desired office went beyond all that he could have imagined . It left him no rest that day nor any day for months thereafter . Eight ...
... thing of what was before him when he became president . But the pressure and persistence of those who desired office went beyond all that he could have imagined . It left him no rest that day nor any day for months thereafter . Eight ...
Page 9
... thing from what it was when Crittenden had presented it . Both Houses of Congress had adopted it by the necessary two - thirds vote , and the approval of the states was an apparent certainty . Whether he liked it or not , the thing ap ...
... thing from what it was when Crittenden had presented it . Both Houses of Congress had adopted it by the necessary two - thirds vote , and the approval of the states was an apparent certainty . Whether he liked it or not , the thing ap ...
Page 10
... thing from the one Lincoln wrote about in a hastily interpolated paragraph in his inaugural address . * Washington was filled to overflowing to witness the inaugu- ration of the first Republican president . Every bed in the hotels was ...
... thing from the one Lincoln wrote about in a hastily interpolated paragraph in his inaugural address . * Washington was filled to overflowing to witness the inaugu- ration of the first Republican president . Every bed in the hotels was ...
Page 21
... thing in American politics for a president to head his Cabinet with his principal rival within his own party . Indeed , there was a rather long and interesting line of estab- lished precedents for such a course . James Madison had ap ...
... thing in American politics for a president to head his Cabinet with his principal rival within his own party . Indeed , there was a rather long and interesting line of estab- lished precedents for such a course . James Madison had ap ...
Page 31
... the information . given by Seward was essentially correct . General Scott was highly displeased . Said he : This is a remarkable state of things . I am in command of the armies of the United States , but have been THE CABINET 31.
... the information . given by Seward was essentially correct . General Scott was highly displeased . Said he : This is a remarkable state of things . I am in command of the armies of the United States , but have been THE CABINET 31.
Contents
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Common terms and phrases
Abraham Lincoln administration Andrew Johnson appear appointed army asked battle battle of Antietam believed Browning Bull Run Cabinet called Chase Civil coln coln's command Confederate Congress Constitution Culp's Hill Davis declared dedicated defeat Democratic desertion diary duty election emancipation Emancipation Proclamation enemy Everett EXECUTIVE MANSION favor Federal fight Fort Sumter Frémont friends gave Gettysburg Address Governor Grant Greeley hand honor Horace Greeley Illinois inaugural Jefferson Davis John knew labor letter living loyal March McClellan Meade military morning nation negro never night North occasion oration paper pardon party peace political Potomac President Lincoln president's proclamation question rebel rebellion Republican Richmond Scott secretary Senator sent sentence Seward slavery slaves soldiers South speech Springfield Stanton stood story success Sumter thought tion told troops Union Army United victory vote Washington White House words wrote York
Popular passages
Page 13 - I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so.
Page 147 - The dogmas of the quiet past are inadequate to the stormy present. The occasion is piled high with difficulty, and we must rise with the occasion. As our case is new, so we must think anew and act anew.
Page 489 - It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us...
Page 318 - Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray, that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away. Yet, if God wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the bondsman's two hundred and fifty years...
Page 389 - I shall have the most solemn one to preserve, protect, and defend it/ "I am loath to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battlefield and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature.
Page 488 - But in a larger sense we cannot dedicate, we cannot consecrate, we cannot hallow this ground. The brave men living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it far above our power to add or detract. The world will little note nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here.
Page 141 - I may believe to be falsely drawn I do not now and here argue against them. If there be perceptible in it, an impatient and dictatorial tone, I waive it, in deference to an old friend, whose heart I have always supposed to be right. As to the policy 'I seem to be pursuing,' as you say, I have not meant to leave any one in doubt.
Page 493 - Now we are engaged in a great civil war testing whether that nation or any nation so conceived and so dedicated can long endure. We are met on a great battlefield of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live.
Page 266 - Must I shoot a simpleminded soldier boy who deserts, while I must not touch a hair of a wily agitator who induces him to desert?
Page 14 - The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the government, and to collect the duties and imposts; but beyond what may be necessary for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere.