is necessary for that purpose; and men, too, who would not consent to southern subjugation. But, understanding that this bill is not placed upon that ground, we are willing to give all the men the Government asks us for, and gentlemen cannot say that more than that is necessary. Mr. HICKMAN. Mr. Chairman, I am opposed to reducing the number indicated in the bill; not because I believe a less number would not be sufficient for the work in hand, but because I prefer to err, if err I must, upon-the safe side. I entertain the opinion now, and I have long entertained it, that one hundred thousand men will be entirely sufficient to accomplish the restoration of the Constitution in the seceded States; but the smaller the number of men employed, the greater will be the length of time necessary to accomplish the object in view. I do not, see, myself, that increasing the number of men will necessarily increase the hazard of subjugating the South. I do not myself know whether it is contemplated to subjugate the South. I do know, however, that it is fully contemplated to force the South into submission. There can be no loyalty without submission; and these men are to be taught by a strong hand that they are to pay the same regard to the Constitution and laws as commoner people are forced to render to them. These men believe that they have a right to declare themselves out of the pale of legitimate Government whenever it shall suit their interests to do so, or whenever it shall be in accordance with the lead of their passions to do so. We, the people of the North, of the loyal States, and all who act with the North, intend to educate these men in a different doctrine; and if we shall eventually be forced to bring them into subjection-abject subjection to the Constitution of the United States-it will be their fault, and not ours. Now, sir, an army will be needed upon the southern coast. Every foot of the southern coast will have to be threatened; and perhaps every foot of the southern coast will eventually have to be invaded. An army will have to be started upon the nearest southern frontier here, and it will have to be marched until it shall meet the army threatening the coast; and, perhaps, it will be necessary-it is well for gentlemen from the southern States to consider whether it may not be necessary to leave the track of the chariot wheels of war so deep on the southern soil that a century may not obliterate it. I am not willing to stint the Government either in men or money. I am determined, so far as my influence and my voice and my vote will go, to make this war an effectual one-a terror to evil-doers for all time to come; so that when the Constitution and Union shall be reestablished, they shall have a permanence which shall satisfy all true lovers of liberty. Mr. CAMPBELL. Mr. Chairman, I do not entirely appreciate the spirit of the remarks made by my colleague, [Mr. HICKMAN,] who has just occupied the floor. I shall not talk in this Chamber about the propriety or necessity of "forcing the South into submission." I distinguish between the loyal men the South and the traitors of the South. I rise here for the purpose of saying in my place that I know there are in Missouri, in western Virginia, in good old Kentucky, and in eastern Tennessee, and elsewhere, as loyal men as ever marched under the flag of the country, and men true to their constitutional obligations. Therefore, sir, I talk not of subjugating these men. I discriminate between them and the traitors who are in rebellion against this Government. I think it best here and everywhere, when we talk of disarming and grinding traitors to powder, we shall at the same time speak of the necessity of placing arms into the hands of the loyal men of the South, and of maintaining the constitutional rights of the South everywhere. Sir, this war is not commenced for the purpose of destroying the rights of all men and of tearing the Constitution into fragments; but to support the Government and Constitution and the rights of all sections during the grand struggle now going on in the country. I will go as far to support loyal citizens in Kentucky, in Missouri, in Virginia, in Tennessee, as I would to sustain the Union men of Pennsylvania or Ohio. They are our brothers wherever they are found; and there is no difference between the one and the other. These are my sentiments. itself. It is a part of our duty, as Representatives of the people, to distrust the executive power. It comes down, by tradition, from the English Parliament to this House of Representatives, that the prerogatives of the King or the Executive shall be checked, clinched, and held fast by the people, speaking through the popular branch. It is our duty here, not to follow blindly the recommendations of the Executive. When gentlemen come here and say they will, out of their abundant confidence in the Executive, give one hundred thousand men and $100,000,000 more than the Executive asks for; then I say, it is our duty, in vindicating the rights and traditions of the popular branch of the Legislature, to hold the Executive to his recommendations; nay, more, to scrutinize them with rigid criticism. When gentlemen on the other side ask, whether we distrust the Executive, I answer, "certainly; we have a right to distrust all power." A gentleman on the other side offered, the other day, a resolution of inquiry as to the corruption already charged upon and rumored about the Executive Departments. Why was that committee raised? Why these rumors in the newspapers? If we want to protect our Government in its credit, in its ability to put down insurrection, in its power to sustain itself firmly, let the legislative department of the Government do its whole duty. The Executive asks no more than what is called for by my friend from Illinois. If more is needed when we meet again in December, the patriotism of the country will re money and all the men necessary to maintain the Union and enforce the laws of the land. Sir, I do not concede to the President, or the Secretary of War, or the Secretary of the Treasury, or other component parts of the Government, the exclusive right to judge of the number of men and the amount of money necessary in this great contest. We form a part of the Government. To the patriotism, to the sound judgment and views of Congress, the people will look touching the amount of money, and the number of men required, as much as to the wisdom and patriotism of the Executive. We, too, are responsible, if in the contest it shall be found that the arm of the Executive is shortened, because he has not money enough, or men enough, to carry on this great work. We do not propose that Congress shall assemble every month or every sixty days to vote more men or more money. I want to give the Executive all the power-even a superabundant power -in this great crisis of the nation's fate; and then I will hold him and his advisers strictly responsible for the expenditure of money and the disposition of men. But, sir, we must not now err in voting too small an amount of money or too few troops. The very life of the nation is in peril. The war must go on until armed rebellion shall perish. Sir, I would arouse the nation to a degree of revolutionary vigor which it has not yet shown in this tremendous crisis. The fate of free institutions, the fate of the lives of millions, is hanging now by a single hair. The rebellion is tremendous. The force in the hands of the in-spond to all proper appeals from the Executive. surgents is great. I will not under-estimate it. I would arouse the nation now to that degree of revolutionary life, and to put forth those tremendous energies necessary to crush out these traitors the very first moment it can be done. Everywhere I would have our columns on the march. I would darken the ocean with our fleets, and cover the land with our armies. I will not count the cost or the number of men necessary to do the work. If a million of men are necessary, I will vote them; for we know that the patriotic, sons of the soil are able to sustain the shock, and bring us out of the peril. But let us do it effectually, and at once. It has been said that England sympathizes, to some extent, with this southern rebellion. Sir, England dares not and will not act in such a way as to imperil her own interests or her own safety in this crisis. I am happy to say that she now shows no disposition to do either; but in sixty days we may run into further complications, and the Executive may want double the number of men provided for in this bill. Let us, then, not make the mistake of giving the Executive too few troops, or vote too small an amount of money. I will, therefore, give to this bill, in its original text, my hearty concurrence, for I think it is wisely framed as it comes from the hands of the committee. I will therefore vote to sustain this amendment. I will vote what is required to enable the Executive to sustain the Government-not to subjugate the South, but to vindicate the honor, dignity, and power of the Government to which we are all equally, and I hope warmly, attached. Mr. McCLERNAND. I wish to inquire of the gentleman from Ohio, whether the estimate of $400,000,000 was not made upon details furnished by the Administration? Mr. COX. I understand that it is based upon details and estimates made and sent here, as the gentleman says, and therefore I am in favor of appropriating the amounts which the Departments have asked for, based upon specific estimates. Mr. BLAIR, of Missouri. I move that the committee rise, for the purpose of going into the House, and terminating the general debate upon this bill. The motion was agreed to. So the committee rose; and the Speaker having resumed the chair, Mr. DAWES reported that the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union had, according to order, had the Union generally under consideration, and particularly the bill of the House No. 28, and had come to no resolution thereon. Mr. BLAIR, of Missouri, moved to terminate the general debate upon House bill No. 28, in five minutes after the consideration of the same shall be resumed in committee. Mr. BURNETT. I move to amend the motion by extending the time to ten minutes. The amendment was agreed to. The motion, as amended, was adopted. into the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union. Mr. COX. Mr. Chairman, both the gentlemen who have last spoken on that side of the House seem to agree in opposing the amendment offered by the gentleman from Illinois, [Mr. CLERNAND.] I intend to address my remarks in reply to the gentleman from Pennsylvania who first spoke, [Mr. HICKMAN.] But first I will say this, with reference to the last remark made by the gentle-be suspended, and that the House resolve itself man [Mr. CAMPBELL] in regard to the conduct of the British Government toward this nation. I have a chronic distrust of Great Britain with regard to America. She has not forgotten her wounded pride, nor her spite against us yet. And though we may not hear from her until the cotton crop is needed, in October or November, we will hear from her then; and when this Congress meets at its next session in December, we can adopt such measures as may be necessary to vindicate us with reference to foreign Governments. The motion was agreed to. So the rules were suspended; and the House resolved itself into the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, (Mr. DAWES in the chair,) and resumed the consideration of House bill No. 28, to authorize the employment of volunteers to aid in supporting and defending the Government of the United States. Mr. NOBLE. I desire to offer an amendment for the purpose of eliciting some information upon the subject. The CHAIRMAN. No amendment is in order at this time. Mr. BURNETT. I desire to thank the gentleman from Pennsylvania who first addressed the committee, [Mr. HICKMAN,] when it was last sit Mr. Chairman, the debate has taken a peculiar turn, and irrelevant. The gentleman from Illinois [Mr. McCLERNAND] has offered an amendment to reduce the number of men from five hundred thousand to four hundred thousand. He offered that amendment so as to make the bill conform to the recommendation of the Executive; but so soon as he offers it, gentlemen on the other side say,ting, and also the gentleman from Pennsylvania "Oh! we will not stint the Executive; we will give him and men money; we, on our side of the House, have confidence in the Executive." Mr. Chairman, I distrust always power wherever it is Now, in order to do this, I will vote all the delegated. Its tendency is always to aggrandize who followed him, [Mr. CAMPBELL,] for their very frank and candid exposition of the views of that side of the House in reference to this war. If there is any one trait of character which I admire in the gentleman from Pennsylvania who THE OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF CONGRESS, PUBLISHED BY JOHN C. RIVES, WASHINGTON, D. C. THIRTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS, 1ST SESSION. first addressed the committee, it is his frankness and candor. He does not conceal his purpose here. He tells us, in response to my colleague from Kentucky, [Mr. HARDING,] who says that Kentucky, or at least his constituents and himself, are ready to vote men and money for the purpose of defending the Government, of vindicating the Constitution, and of preserving the Union, but that they will not vote one dollar for subjugation-the gentleman from Pennsylvania, I say, tells my colleague, and tells the country, that it is the purpose of the eighteen northern States to reduce the southern States to abject submission. Mr. HICKMAN. I trust the gentleman will allow me to correct him. Mr. BURNETT. Certainly; if it does not come out of my time. gentlemen that the South have only asked for constitutional guarantees. They asked for them when all the States were represented in this Hall. The man called the arch traitor, now president of the southern confederacy, upon the floor of the Senate declared that if the North would give the South a proposition like that offered by my purpose had been accomplished, the party which And let me say here, when the gentleman from Pennsylvania last up [Mr. CAMPBELL] says that he will spare the Union men, the loyal men, of Kentucky, that there are no other men in Ken Mr. HICKMAN. I believe my remark was— at least I intended that it should be-this: that our intentions are to bring the disloyal to submission or acquiescence. I understand that to mean sub-tucky but loyal and true men. Let me tell him mission to the binding obligation of the laws. That is what I mean. Whether it shall be necessary to go further than that, is for the gentlemen who occupy the position of rebellion to determine. Mr. BURNETT. I quoted the gentleman literally. I wrote his words down at the time, and other gentlemen around me wrote them down. What else? The gentleman told this House and the country that it might be necessary to make the wheels of this war run so deep that the prints would be left for a century to come. Now, sir, how any man of intelligence, how any man upon this floor who has been an observer of what has occurred since we reached here, can for a moment entertain a doubt as to what are the purposes and objects of these appropriations and this immense number of men that are to be called into the field, is to me passing strange. Half a million men-a hundred thousand more than the President asks for; appropriations to be made at the called session of Congress amounting to more than seven hundred and twenty-five million dollars! Nothing like it has been seen in the history of modern times. It has no parallel; and, sir, the man who doubts that the object of this war is for the subjugation of these States and to hold them by military government, is, to my mind, exceedingly dull of comprehension. No man can doubt it, in my judgment. that there are no other men there; and that when Mr. CAMPBELL. I desire to ask the gen- Mr. BURNETT. I want to save my State from the horrors of civil war. When the gentlemen who are the representatives of the Union party in Kentucky placed that State in the position of neutrality which is denounced in such strong terms by the President of the United States -declared even to be disunion itself-I, as one of the citizens of Kentucky, yielded my acquiescence in that position, and was ready to stand by it. It was my hope that Kentucky might be permitted to maintain that position. I had no agency in putting her in it; but, sir, I repeat that I was ready to stand by her, as one of her citizens, when she was placed there. These are matters of record. I never entered into any dispute or question with my colleagues. They cannot be denied, for they are facts recorded in our history. They are recorded as the acts and deeds of the Commonwealth, of Kentucky. So far as I know, they have not been reversed by the action of her people; and further, to show gentlemen the state of feeling in Kentucky, I point to the fact that the troops which have been called for by the Government have been refused. Nor, sir, have the people of that State yet responded in any locality to the call for troops to join the Federal Army in carrying on this war. Mr. Chairman, I want to save my State from the horrors of an internecine war. I have no heart for this war. One of my colleagues told me that I sympathized with these people in the South. Is it strange that I should sympathize with men now living upon the soil of old Virginia who have in their veins the same blood that courses through my own? Is it remarkable that, when there are between me and those men the strongest ties of blood, I should desire to do all in my power to save them from the horrors of war? The CHAIRMAN. General debate has ceased on this bill. Mr. McCLERNAND. When Mr. Davis made the remark referred to, the gentleman and the House know that South Carolina had declared she could never be brought back into the Union. The CHAIRMAN. Debate is not in order. Mr. MCKNIGHT's amendment to the amendment was rejected. Mr. COX demanded tellers on Mr. McCLERNAND'S amendment. Tellers were ordered; and Messrs. VAN WICK, and KELLOGG of Michigan, were appointed. The amendment was rejected; the tellers having reported only forty-seven in the affirmative. Mr. CURTIS. I move to strike out the words "not exceeding three years." "I move the amendment merely for the purpose of improving the bill. In the revolutionary war it became necessary to call for volunteers during the war. In my judgment, that would be a better way to call out volunteers now. I see no reason why we should limit the time to one, two, or three years. If we are to have an Army, the longer they are retained while the war lasts the better for the Government. It ought, indeed, to be raised for the war, for then we will save the expense of repeated enrollments. The amendment was rejected. Mr. VALLANDIGHAM. I offer the following proviso: Provided, further, That before the President shall have the right to call out any more volunteers than are already in the service, he shall appoint seven commissioners, whose mission shall be to accompany the Army on its march, to receive and consider such propositions, if any, as may at any time be submitted from the executive of the so-called coufederate States, or of any one of them, looking to a suspension of hostilities and the return of said States, or any one of them, to the Union, and to obedience to the Federal Constitution and authority. Mr. Chairman, I do not rise to debate this question at length-the hour for that discussion has not yet come-but simply to remind gentlemen on both sides of the House that when, four years ago, the obscure and far-distant Territory of Utah, with less than one hundred thousand inhabitants, and insignificant in power and resources, was in armed rebellion against the Government of the United States, the President appointed two commissioners to accompany the Army upon a like mission of generous forbearance and humanity. Mr. LOVEJOY. I make the point of order that the amendment is irrelevant. The CHAIRMAN. The Chair overrules the point of order. Now, sir, it has been my purpose, and it shall be my studied purpose, to have no conflict with my colleagues from Kentucky upon this floor, in regard to our action here. It has been thrown in my face time and again, that I do not represent the sentiments of Kentucky. Sir, I do not stand here professing to speak the sentiments of Kentucky; but I say to my colleagues here, to-day, that Kentucky has no sympathy, if we may judge by her past action, and the voice of her people as spoken through her constituted authorities, in a war which looks to the subjugation of the southern States. Let me tell gentlemen here again, that I represent, and profess to represent upon this floor my own sentiments, and I am responsible to my constituents for them. I do not know what the sentiments of Kentucky are; but I ask my colleagues to look at the action of that State in this controversy up to the present time. The Executive of this Government called upon the Governor of Kentucky to furnish troops at the My friend from Illinois [Mr. McCLERNAND] commencement of this war, for the purpose, as it yesterday asked me how I proposed to settle this was then given out, of the defense of this capital question? I desire succinctly to reply to that and for the maintenance of the constitutional auquestion. My venerable colleague, [Mr. CRITthorities even here. Then, sir, our Legislature was TENDEN,] at the last session of Congress, offered in session. The Governor of Kentucky responded propositions which required no surrender of printhat Kentucky would not furnish men, and that ciple on the part of our brethren of the North-bearance; and while the legislative department is response was indorsed by the almost unanimous none at all, sir-and he pressed them earnestly vote of the popular branch of the Legislature. It upon the attention of the Senate. He said then was acquiesced in by all parties in the State. that unless something like his propositions was Well, sir, what else? On the 1st day of Jan-passed, and passed soon, these troubles would uary last, when the act of secession had been accomplished by all the now seceded States, with the exception of Virginia, North Carolina, Arkansas, and Tennessee, when their revolutionary befall us. Yet his propositions and his words met Mr. VALLANDIGHAM. 1 rise simply to remind the House of that significant fact, and to inquire whether, if, in a case like that, where the lives and fortunes of a people so few, so insignificant, and so odious in their manners and their institutions, were concerned, this great and powerful Government thought it becoming, in a spirit of justice and moderation, to send commissioners to accompany, and indeed to precede, the Army on its march, for the purpose of receiving propositions of submission and of return to obedience to the authority of the Federal Government, we ought not now, in this great revolution—this great rebellion, if you prefer the word-to exhibit somewhat also of the same spirit of moderation and for engaged in voting hundreds of thousands of men and hundreds of millions of dollars, we ought not, bearing the sword in one hand, to go forth with the olive branch in the other? I offer the amendment in good faith, and for the purpose of ascertaining whether there be such a disposition in the House. For my own part, sir, while I would not in the beginning have given a dollar or a man to commence this war, I am willing-now that we are in the midst of it without any act of ours-to vote just as many men and just as much money as may be necessary to defend and protect the Federal Government. It would be both treason and madness now to disarm the Government, in the presence of an enemy of two hundred thousand men in the field against it. But I will not vote millions of men and money blindly, for bills interpreted by the message, and in speeches on this floor, to mean bitter and relentless hostility to and subjugation of the South. It is against an aggressive and invasive warfare that I raise my vote and voice. I desire not to be misunderstood. I would suspend hostilities for present negotiation, to try the temper of the South-the Union men, at least, of the South. But as the war is upon us, there must be an army in the field; there must be money appropriated to maintain it; but I will give no more of men and no more of money than is necessary to keep that army in position, and ready to strike, until it can be ascertained whether there is a Union sentiment in the South, and whether there be indeed any real and sober and well-founded disposition among the people of those States to return to the Union and to their obedience to the authority of this Government. I trust that this amendment will receive that consideration which I believe it justly deserves. Mr. WRIGHT. I am opposed to the amendment of the gentleman from Ohio, from the fact that it will be holding out to those men who are occupying a rebellious attitude, a reward for their treason Mr. VALLANDIGHAM. One question, by the gentleman's permission. I ask him whether he is opposed to the return of those States which have seceded from the Union? Mr. WRIGHT. I am not opposed to the return of those States which have seceded from the Union. Mr. VALLANDIGHAM. One question further. If they desire to return without fighting, without striking another blow, I ask the gentleman if he intends that they shall be made to fight and compelled to stand up and receive our cannon shot, and the edge of our swords, and the points of our bayonet, whether they resist or not? Mr. WRIGHT. When those gentlemen now fighting under the standard of rebellion lay down their arms Mr. VALLANDIGHAM. That is a case clearly within my resolution. Mr. WRIGHT. And sue for peace, and surrender their leaders, then I am for peace. [Great applause in the galleries.] The CHAIRMAN. The Chair will order the galleries to be cleared if they again violate the decorum of the House. Mr. ROBINSON. I call upon the Chair to enforce the rules of the House. This applause is repeated every day, after it has been repeatedly announced that if it is renewed the galleries will be cleared. I now ask that the rules of the House be enforced, and that the galleries be cleared, the ladies' galleries excepted. The CHAIRMAN. The Chair begs leave to state that this is the first occasion of the kind since he has been in the chair, and he trusts it will be the last. He will forbear enforcing the rules of the House this time, believing that the galleries will not again violate the rules and decorum of this body. Mr. WRIGHT. It is not my purpose, Mr. Chairman, nor my object, to carry on against these southern seceding States a war of aggression. It is not my purpose that it shall be regarded as a war of subjugation. But the mission of the Army of the loyal States south, is to defend the integrity of this Government and maintain the unsullied honor of its flag; not to rob southern men of their property; not to interfere in any way with the negro question; and so long as the object and destiny of that Army, in marching forward, is to preserve the integrity of the Union, I am opposed to any proposition of peace while these men hold arms in their hands and maintain their attitude of hostility. And such I believe to be the sentiment of the loyal men of the North, or the loyal men of the North and South. Now, Mr. Chairman, I have heard a great deal said, since I have been here, within this Hall, and out of this Hall, about peace. I want to see no The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman is entitled to proceed for five minutes, as we are acting under the five-minutes rule. Mr. WRIGHT. No such terms of peace will I vote to accept or entertain. I agree with the gentleman from Ohio entirely, that when our army marched into Mexico, as also into the Territory of Utah, there were, as I understand it, commissioners appointed by the Government to go with that army. But I now confine my remarks to the army of Mexico. Why did we send commissioners with that army? Because that was a conflict between nations. The war which is being waged in the United States how is a war waged by members of our own household. With regard to the case of Utah, the gentleman, from Ohio asks how it was there. It is true that Utah, at that time, was a Territory, and perhaps there would be some similarity between that case and the present. But in this domestic war which is being waged upon the part of members of our own household, I think it behooves the General Government to attempt, at least, to exert its power to dictate terms to them. They are not aware, I presume, of what they have already done; neither do I believe that these men engaged in this wicked rebellion know not only what has been accomplished, but the position they actually occupy. Why, sir, through the whole northern and eastern portions of the United States, hundreds and thousands of men who have spent a long life in procuring the means of subsistence and comfort, and who regarded themselves as rich and independent, are, to-day, in consequence of this foul treason on the part of the southern States, candidates for the poor-house. Who has caused and produced all that suffering, and who is to atone for it? Throughout the whole country you find all kinds of business at an end; you find commerce suspended; you find the doors of the manufactories closed; you find all handicraft work abandoned; and you find want and famine marching over the land. Who has produced all this? These men of the seceding States who have risen up and attempted to strike down the Government. Now when they come to us and ask terms for these unholy and unrighteous acts, I am willing to say to them that we will take your terms into consideration when you lay down your arms and abandon the project of a southern confederacy; that then we will treat with you, and not before. The offenses have been too severe and too great, that have been committed upon the part of these southern secessionists to go unpunished. Now, sir, I do not want it understood that I advocate what is regarded as the subjugation of these men-that is, that we want to hold their country as conquered territory; but I tell you, sir, what I do believe is the duty of this great Government: it is to send our Army there that patriotic men may breathe in the rear of it, if they cannot breathe in the front of it. ["Good!" "Good!"] Wherever that Army has advanced, you find the Union sentiment is permitted to live and thrive and flourish. How is it in regard to northwestern Virginia? We find her Representatives upon this floor to-day. To whatever point this army of occupation has advanced, wherever they have permitted the stars and stripes to be unfurled, we have a representation in this House, and soon will have a representation upon the floor of the Senate. If northwestern Virginia had been under the flag of secession, would there have been a representation from that State in either of the two Houses to-day? No, sir. The kind of subjugation about which I wish to speak is the subjugation of traitors, in order that patriots may live, and in order that the benefits of our laws and institutions shall prevail. If the gentleman from Ohio calls that subjugation, I tell him I am in favor of such subjugation. [Here the hammer fell.] Mr. HUTCHINS moved to amend the amendment by striking out all after the word "to," and inserting in lieu thereof the words "see that the war is vigorously prosecuted, to the effectual putting down of this rebellion;" so that the amendment shall read: Provided further, That before the President shall have the right to call out any more volunteers than are already in the service, he shall appoint seven commissioners, whose mission it shall be to see that the war is vigorously prosecuted, to the effectual putting down of this rebellion. Mr. VALLANDIGHAM. Is it in order to amend that? The CHAIRMAN. No further amendment is in order. Mr. VALLANDIGHAM. I would remind the gentleman from Pennsylvania that the elections in western Virginia were held prior to the armed occupation to which he has referred. Now, sir, I am opposed to the amendment of my colleague. If he would add what I would move to add, if it were in order, the character of it-I will not say the atrocity of it, for that would probably be out of order-would be well understood, "to prosecute the war vigorously against unresisting men who are asking peace upon the terms of a return to the authority of the Constitution and of this Government.' That is what his amendment means, and it means nothing else. If it were in order I should characterize it in the language which it deserves; but I will not violate the proprieties of the House. The committec can do just as they see fit in regard to these questions. I have made the proposition to go hereafter, and read by the people throughout the upon the record, to remain there, and be read States of this Union, and pondered by them. The question was taken on Mr. HUTCHINS'S amendment to the amendment, and it was disagreed to-ayes fourty-four, noes not counted. The question recurred on Mr. VALLANDIGHAM'S amendment. Mr. WASHBURNE demanded tellers. Tellers were ordered; and Messrs. Roscoe CONKLING and ALLEY were appointed. The committee proceeded to divide; and the tellers reported twenty-one votes in the affirmative. Mr. VALLANDIGHAM. I will not insist on a count of the other side; but I hope gentlemen will give us a vote on the amendment by yeas and nays in the House. [Cries of "Oh, no!”] The amendment was disagreed to. -Mr. RIDDLE. I move to insert after the word "major," in the ninth line of section two, the words "to be elected by the officers and privates of the regiment." I offer that amendment because, while this bill provides for officers, it makes provision only for the appointment of officers of the grade of general and chaplain. There would seem, perhaps, to have been an oversight on the part of the committee who prepared the bill, and I offer this amendment more with a view of calling attention to this seeming omission than for any other purpose. There would seem to be no power anywhere for the creation of these officers. There is, obviously, no such power in the War Department in the absence of legislative provision, and there seems to be no authority for the election of these officers. I therefore offer this amendment, and, unless some other gentleman does it, I shall offer a similar amendment in reference to each grade of officer mentioned in this section. Mr. BLAIR, of Missouri. Mr. Chairman, it is true, as stated by the gentleman from Ohio, that neither the President nor the Secretary of War has authority to appoint these officers, unless the power is given them by this act. But we leave the subject where it stands at present, and the officers of these regiments will be appointed under the laws of the different States precisely as at present. In some States these officers are elected by the soldiers themselves. In other States the Governors have the appointment of the chief officers, and the company officers are elected by the privates. The bill leaves the power where it now rests, with the States and under the laws of the States. The amendment was disagreed to. Mr. CURTIS. I move to strike out as follows: "And that they shall be formed by the President into regiments of infantry, with the exception of such numbers for cavalry and artillery as he may direct, not to exceed the proportion of one company of cach of those arms to every regiment of infantry, and to be organized as in the regular service," And to insert, in lieu thereof, the following: Such force to be organized into companies and squadrons, or regiments, or other subdivisions, as the President may direct, and officered according to the laws of the States furnishing such volunteers: Provided, That when any State authorities have refused, or shall refuse or neglect, to furnish such volunteers when so called upon, the Pres ident may receive, organize, and officer such troops according to the rules and regulations which the President may prescribe. The object of this amendment is to meet the very point made by the gentleman from Ohio, [Mr. Riddle.] There is a great discrepancy in the manner of organizing and arranging volunteer forces, and some general principle should be adopted. This amendment proposes that the power shall remain where, as the chairman of the Committee on Military Affairs has stated, it is now-in the States; but it also provides a mode by which it shall be uniform throughout the United States. I can see no earthly objection to a rule like this, that the Government of the United States shall say whether the force shall be organized into companies, squadrons, battalions, or regiments, leaving to the States the appointment of officers. Where the State authorities have refused or neglected to furnish the force called for, then the question arises, how the troops from such States are to be officered; and some rule or practice should be adopted on the subject. In the State of Missouri, forces are being received and mustered into the service of the United States as companies. I think authority ought to be given to the President to receive companies, and then, when they are organized into battalions or regiments, they must be officered by some rule. Where the Governor of a State runs away, as the Governor of Missouri has done, some other authority must officer the forces, and it becomes necessary that we should prescribe some rule upon the subject. Mr. VALLANDIGHAM. I desire to call the attention of the gentleman from Iowa to the clause of the Constitution which provides that Congress shall have power to make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces. The President certainly has no power to prescribe them, and it strikes me that his amendment is in conflict with this provision of the Constitution. Mr. CURTIS. I do not think so. The CHAIRMAN. No further debate is in order. The amendment was agreed to. Mr. CURTIS. I propose to add, in the eleventh line, the words "one commissary, a lieutenant." As regiments are to be organized under the bill, as it now stands, there is allowed one quartermaster, a lieutenant. My amendment proposes to add one commissary, a lieutenant. The duties of a quartermaster, as is well known to all familiar with the organization of the Army, relate entirely to the movement and the quartering of troops. The commissary has to provide the food. The duties are entirely different, and in the regular Army are always kept separate. In the Mexrcan war we had quartermasters and commissaries. I can see no objection to keeping the duties separate in the volunteer service, as they are in the regular service. This amendment will add nothing to the expense, because these officers are taken from the lieutenants. The amendment was agreed to. Mr. CURTIS. I move to insert, in the sixteenth line, after the words "second lieutenant,' the words "one third lieutenant. Mr. Chairman, I have offered no amendment more necessary than this. In the regular Army there are generally three lieutenants to a company. The third one is called a brevet second lieutenant; but all the drill and all the movements of the Army-the latest additions made by the Secretary of War-seem to require this third lieutenant. In the volunteer service, where companies run up as high as a hundred and a hundred and ten men, there is the more necessity of this third lieutenant. In the Mexican war, after some time, there were three lieutenants allowed to each company. Certainly it is necessary now. If it were not, would not ask for the increase. We want no burden of officers; but those which are necessary to the general police and regularity of the companies, we do want, and must have. Besides, the adjutant, the quartermaster, the commissary, and many others, are always taken from the lieuten ants, so that the companies are generally destitute of a sufficient number of officers. hope, therefore, that this third lieutenant will be added. Mr. McKNIGHT. I desire to suggest to the gentleman from Iowa that, if his amendment prevails, it will be necessary to fix the amount of pay of these third lieutenants. The CHAIRMAN. Does the gentleman rise to oppose the amendment? Mr. McKNIGHT. Yes; unless it is amended as I suggest. Mr. CURTIS. Well; say with the same pay as brevet second lieutenants. Mr. McKNIGHT. Then I am in favor of the proposition of the gentleman. Mr. BLAIR, of Missouri. The brevet second lieutenant in the regular Army is simply put there to have some place to stow away these young cadets as they come from West Point. They are not needed. The multiplication of officers is a cessity; and I trust the amendment will be voted multiplication of expense without any sort of ne down. The amendment of Mr. CURTIS was rejected. Mr. ASHLEY. I move to amend by inserting four assistant surgeons instead of one assistant surgeon. In the British service there is one assistant surgeon for every ninety-seven men, when the army is in active service. This amendment, if adopted, will leave to each surgeon the care of two hundred men. Much of the loss in our Army is occasioned by the want of medical and surgical aid. In active service the loss from this cause is as five to one. I propose this as a matter of precaution, for our Army is to be in active service from this time forward, as I trust. The amendment was rejected. Mr. BLAIR, of Missouri. I ask that the vote on the amendment.of the gentleman from Iowa, [Mr. CURTIS,] by which a commissary was inserted, be reconsidered. The CHAIRMAN. That motion is not in order in committee. in service, who are set aside, while civilians are placed in the command of our armies. I desire that this Army shall be made as efficient as it is possible to make it. I desire that this rebellion shall be put down by the smallest expenditure of human life with which it is possible to put it down; and I know no better protection to the life of the soldier than skill in the officer. While we have officers thus educated and thus skilled, shall we imperil the lives of our gallant volunteers by subjecting them to the misjudgment of unskillful officers. While on this subject, sir, I wish to make one passing remark-a thing which is entirely unusual with me, for I am accustomed to speak only to the particular point which I wish to enforce. The inquiry has been made: "why is such an army as this being mustered, if not for the subjugation of rebellious States?" I wish to do all in my power to quiet the apprehensions of any man here with reference to any designs of this Government on the rights of the States. I wish to say-and I think my knowledge of the sentiments of the North enables me to speak correctly-that there is no such sentiment to any extent prevailing. The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman must confine his remarks to his amendment. Mr. DIVEN. I was giving my reasons for desiring an efficient Army. I believe that efficiency of the Army requires efficient officers. We want an Army officered by efficient men to put down this rebellion-officered by intelligent educated men who will know when they are trespassing on the rights of States, and who will confine their duties to conquering enemies. That is why I want our Army intelligently officered. Let me tell you that it is just as fatal to the Constitution and to the liberties of the country to subjugate a State as it is for a State to rebel. It matters not whether the Union of these States is destroyed by the Government taking away the rights of a State, or by a State usurping the rights of the Government. There is not a whit of difference. When this re Mr. WASHBURNE. I suggest to the gentle-bellion shall be over, South Carolina, the worst of man from Missouri, that the House can vote down the amendment. Mr. BLAIR, of Missouri. Very well. I withdraw the motion. Mr. CURTIS. I move to amend the last line of the section, by striking out "eighty-two "and inserting "one hundred," so as to make the companies consist of one hundred men. My object is to have companies at least one hundred strong. I think it would be better to have them still stronger. In the regular service their strength is one hundred and one, I believe. The maximum here is eighty-two, corresponding with the call; but there is no objection to its being one hundred. The officers of companies would generally prefer their being one hundred strong; and most armies in the world are now adopting that number. I hope it will be adopted in our volunteer service. Mr. BLAIR, of Missouri. The eighty-two privates provided for, with the five sergeants and eight corporals, and other subordinate officers, make an aggregate of one hundred and one men to each company. A larger company than that is unwieldy; and I trust the number will not be increased. The question was taken on Mr. CURTIS'S amendment, and it was rejected. Mr. DIVEN. I move to amend the fourth section, by adding, after the word "six," the following: To be selected from persons educated at the Military Academy at West Point, or from persons who have served in the regular Army not less than five years. So that it will read: SEC. 4. And be it further enacted, That the President shall be authorized to appoint, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, for the command of the forces provided for in this act, a number of major generals, not excecding six, to be selected from persons educated at the Military Academy at West Point, or from persons who have served in the regular Army not less than five years, and a number of brigadier geucrals, not exceeding eighteen, and the other division and brigade officers required for the organization of these forces, except the aides-de-camp, who shall be selected by their respective generals from the subaltern officers of the Army of volunteer corps. the rebel States, will be South Carolina still, with all the rights which Massachusetts has, or else the Constitution is at an end, and human freedom too. Let no man fear the mission of this Army. It is to maintain the integrity of the Constitution, and not to trample on the rights of States. Those rights must be inviolate forever, or the whole of this fair fabric of the Union must crumble to pieces. Mr. WICKLIFFE. Allow me, sir, to return my thanks The CHAIRMAN. Does the gentleman from Kentucky rise to oppose the amendment? Mr. WICKLIFFE. Yes, sir, pro hac vice. I do so by thanking the gentleman, who is a stranger to me-but I understand he comes from north of Mason and Dixon's line-not only for the amendment he has offered, but for the sentiments he has avowed. The only security against disunion is the preservation of the Constitution and the observance of the rights of States and individuals. Therefore you ought to have intelligent officers at the head of your regiments and of your brigades. I am against political generals as much I as am against political preachers. Mr. SHELLABARGER. I move to amend by adding at the end of the proposed amendment, as follows: Or who shall have, by actual service in war, shown efficiency and capacity for such command. I am gratified, Mr. Chairman, that the amendment has been proposed which is now pending before the committee; and I hope that after it shall have been properly guarded and protected, it will be adopted by the committee and the House. It will be seen that the only object of the amendment which I propose is to admit to these important appointments a class of persons of undoubted capacity, who would otherwise be excluded; for, if 1 remember correctly the amendment of the gentleman from New York, it requires these appointments to be made from persons who have been in the service for at least three years, or who have graduated at the Military Academy at West Mr. Chairman, it is undoubtedly within the Point. I say, therefore, I consider that the amendknowledge of the House that we have now out of ment, in the form in which the gentleman offered service men educated at the expense of the Gov-it, unintentionally limits the discretion of the ernment, men who have distinguished themselves Executive to an unnecessary extent. Some rule of course must be prescribed for the control of the Executive discretion. To make that rule definite, comprehensive, and yet large enough not to do mischief, is the thing to be desired by the committee. In order to be entitled to the command to which the gentleman refers, if you apply the strict rule of his amendment, you will exclude some of the most efficient officers now in the service of the United States; and in order to call the attention of the gentleman more prominently to the point which I make, I refer him to an instance brought to the notice of the public within the last few days, of a colonel in command of a portion of our forces, who possesses abilities of a high order certainly, if the accounts that come to us of him through the newspapers are to be trusted. Yet by the strict rule of this amendment he would be excluded from his command. I hope the House will take care to guard the amendment of the gentleman from New York properly, and that, so guarded and protected, it will be adopted. to. The amendment to the amendment was agreed To be selected from persons educated at the Military Academy at West Point, or from persons who served in the Mexican war, or who have served not less than three years in the regular Army. The amendment was disagreed to. Mr. CURTIS. I move to amend, in the fifth line, by striking out "eighteen," and inserting "thirty;" so that the clause will read: And a number of brigadier generals, not exceeding thirty. Mr. Chairman, it seems to me that if we are to have four or five hundred thousand troops called into service, it is absolutely necessary to have more brigades. The great idea of a brigade in the Army of the United States, 'is that it shall be a body of troops, sufficiently limited, to be under the supervision of one man. Now, if you divide this immense force into eighteen brigades, you make them so large that no one man can supervise a brigade at all. According to the whole theory of our military system of national warfare, a brigade ought not to be larger than five regiments. Under our system of organization, no one man can supervise more than five regiments. If you will adopt the British system, and make a regiment equal to one of our brigades, the colonel may then command as the brigadier generals do in our Army; but if you are to adhere to our system, eighteen brigadier generals is certainly too small a number. Thope, therefore, the House will adopt my amendment, and increase the number to thirty. I do not make the motion to increase the number of officers, but to increase the efficiency of the Army. Mr. RICHARDSON. I would suggest to the gentleman from Iowa that if more brigadier generals are necessary, they can be authorized hereafter. Besides, the gentleman has seen enough of the service to know that, in the formation of brigades, it very often happens that it is necessary to so organize the regiments as to give command to a colonel who is as competent to lead a brigade as a brigadier general. The amendment was disagreed to. Mr. CURTIS. I move to amend the fifth sec; tion, in the fifth line, by inserting after the word "clothing," the words "when not furnished in kind;" so that the clause will read: Provided, That their allowano for clothing, when not furnished in kind, shall be $3 50 per month. The object of the amendment is to permit the volunteers, if they see proper, to draw their clothing from the Government supply. It was found, during the Mexican war, that the clothing furnished by the Government was of better quality than the volunteers could supply through the contracts they were able to make in different places. I think they should have the same privilege now that the soldiers have in the regular Army, of drawing their clothing through the Quartermaster's department. I believe, although the allowance of $3 50 per month is pretty liberal, they would still get a better article and cheaper | to; and the amendment, as amended, was then than they can supply for the money. adopted. The amendment was agreed to. Mr. JOHNSON. I move to amend, by striking out the words "drum majors or," in the following section: SEC. 7. And be it further enacted, That the bands of the regiments of infantry and of the regiments of cavalry shall be paid as follows: one fourth of each will receive the pay and allowances of sergeants of engineer soldiers; one fourth those of corporals of engineer soldiers: and the remaining half those of privates of engineer soldiers of the first class; and the drum majors or leaders of the band shall receive the same pay and emoluments as second lieutenants of infantry. Mr. CURTIS. I think there must be some mistake in the section as its stands. The idea of giving the drum major the pay of a second lieutenant is rather stiff. Drum majors usually rank as sergeants in the service. I think the amendment should be adopted. The amendment was adopted. Mr. BLAIR, of Missouri. I desire, with the consent of the committee, to return to section six, and move to insert, after the word "be," in the second line, the words "or have been;" and in the third line, after the word "be," the words "or have been." The section would then read: SEC. 6. And be it further enacted, That any volunteer who may be or have been received into the service of the United States under this act, and who may be or have been wounded or otherwise disabled in the service, shall be entitled to the benefits which have been or may be conferred on persons disabled in the regular service; and the legal heirs of such as die or may be killed in service, in addition to all arrears of pay and allowances, shall receive the sum of $100. There being no objection, the amendment was received and adopted. Mr. WHITE, of Indiana. I call the attention of the gentleman from Missouri to the retroactive effect which his amendment should have also upon the fifth section. I had prepared an amendment which I intended to offer at the end of the ninth section, which, with the consent of the committee, I will have read, and, if adopted, will save the necessity of separate action to correct the phraseology in each instance. The amendment propose is as follows: The provisions of this section, and of the preceding sections of this act, numbered five, six, seven, and eight, as to pay, pensions, bounty, and all other matters, shall be extended to all military forces mustered into the service of the United States, under any proclamation of the President, or by order of the War Department, since the 13th day of April, 1861, and all other beneficiaries therein named. Mr. BLAIR, of Missouri. I withdraw my amendment. Mr. WHITE, of Indiana. I offer the following amendment, to come in at the end of the ninth section: The provisions of this and the preceding sections of this act numbered five, six, seven, and eight, as to pay, pension, bounty, and all other matters, shall be extended to the mili tary forces mustered into the service of the United States under the proclamation of the President, or by order of the War Department, since the 13th day of April, 1861, and to all the beneficiaries therein named. Mr. COLFAX. I suggest to my colleague that the language of the amendment would seem to exclude those called out by the proclamation of the President of the 15th of April. Mr. WHITE, of Indiana. It includes all. The 13th of April is the day named. It is the date of the bombardment of Fort Sumter. Mr. NOBLE. I will ask one question. Is it proposed to pay the three-months volunteers, who may be discharged, the bounty provided in this bill? Mr. WHITE, of Indiana. I think that the three-months volunteers who have been sworn into the United States service are entitled to the bounty. It is a small bounty, and I think that this Government can afford to pay it to them. Many of them afterwards offered for a longer term, and could not be accepted. Mr. BLAIR, of Missouri. I think that it is out of all reason that the three-months volunteers should have a bounty of $100 on their discharge. I ask that the amendment be again read. The Clerk again read the amendment. Mr. BLAIR, of Missouri. I move to amend the amendment by adding the following: Provided, however, That the bounty of $100 provided in the fifth section shall not be paid to the three-months volunteers on their discharge. The amendment to the amendment was agreed Mr. McCLERNAND. I move to amend the ninth section, by adding the following: Provided, That the brigadier general shall be authorized, in his discretion, to appoint one chaplain to his brigade of the Roman Catholic faith, if there shall be no such chaplain attached to any regiment composing it; and said chaplain shall rank and receive the same pay as herein allowed to the chaplain of a regiment. Mr. Chairman, I will state, in explanation of that amendment, that I received yesterday a pe- . tition from a meritorious officer-a colonel of a regiment in Illinois-who served during the Mexican war, asking Congress to make some provision for the appointment of a chaplain of the Roman Catholic faith for each brigade where it should so happen that none was attached to any regiment of the brigade. The committee will understand that the amendment only vests in the brigadier general the discretion to appoint such chaplain when there shall be none attached to any of the regiments under his command. We all know that there are a great many Catholics in almost every regiment now in service. I offer the amendment, and I hope that it will be adopted. The amendment was rejected. Mr. VALLANDIGHAM. I move to strike out the words "Christian denomination" in the seventh line, and, in lieu thereof, to insert "religious society." I do it, Mr. Chairman, because there is a large body of men in this country, and one growing continually, of the Hebrew faith, whose rabbis and priests are men of great learning and unquestioned piety, and whose adherents are as good citizens and as true patriots as any in the country, but who are excluded by this section; and because, also, under the Constitution of the United States, Congress is forbidden to make any law respecting the establishment of a State religion. While we are in one sense a Christian people, and yet in another sense not the most Christian people in the world, this is yet not a "Christian Government," nor a Government which has any connection with any one form of religion in preference to any other form-I speak, of course, in a political sense alone. For these reasons I move the amendment. While confining it to religious societies, it will yet leave the appointment open to those at least who are of the Hebrew faith, and who, by the terms of the bill, are unjustly, and without constitutional warrant, excluded from it. The amendment was rejected. Mr. JOHNSON. I move to strike out the words "captain of cavalry,” and to insert "second lieutenant of infantry." Mr. Chairman, most of those who will be appointed chaplains to regiments will be young, single men, and I can see no reason why they should receive the pay of a captain of cavalry, Their duties are light, and are not to be compared to the onerous ones of a captain of cavalry. In my judgment, the pay of a second lieutenant of infantry will be abundantly sufficient, and for that reason I have offered the amendment. I consider that in the military service, as in all other services, the laborer is worthy of his hire. Mr. BLAIR, of Missouri. The chaplains in the regular Army are paid at the same rate; they receive the pay of a captain of cavalry; and the chaplains attached to volunteer regiments, who go out upon a sudden emergency, leaving their flocks for the battle-field, ought to have the same pay. I trust that the amendment will not be adopted. Mr. JOHNSON. What is the pay of a captain of cavalry. Mr. COX. One hundred and forty-five dollars and fifty cents per month. Mr. McKNIGHT. I move to amend the amendment by making the pay of the chaplain that of a captain of infantry. Mr. BLAIR, of Missouri. The chaplain is generally mounted, and he ought to have the pay of a captain of cavalry. He has to keep a horse. Mr. MCKNIGHT. I withdraw my amendment to the amendment. The chaplains attached to the regiments have onerous duties to discharge. I know two instances in my own town of ministers who have gone to the war, abandoning their congregations, and going off with the Pennsylvania regiments, to attend to the spiritual wants of the soldiers. They were receiving from a thousand to eighteen hundred dollars a year. Certainly, if |