16 other four would have remained as they then were-sepa- | Thus was established, by compact between the states, a government, with defined objects and powers, limited to the express words of the grant. This limitation left the whole remaining mass of power subject to the clause reserving it to the states or to the people, and rendered unnecessary any specification of reserved rights. We hold that the government thus established is subject to the two great principles asserted in the Declaration of Independence; and we hold further, that the mode of its formation subjects it to a third fundamental principle, namely: the law of compact. We maintain that in every compact between two or more parties the obligation is mutual; that the failure of one of the contracting parties to perform a material part of the agreement, entirely releases the obligations of the other; and that where no arbiter is provided, each party is remitted to his own judgment to determine the fact of failure, with all its con sequences. In the present case, the fact is established with certainty. We assert that fourteen of the states have deliberately refused for years past, to fulfil their constitutional obligations, and we refer to their own statutes for the proof. The constitution of the United States, in its 4th article, provides as follows: "No person held to service or labor, in one state, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due." This stipulation was so material to the compact, that without it that compact would not have been made. The greater number of the contracting parties held slaves, and they had previously evinced their estimate of the value of such a stipulation by making it a condition in the ordinance for the government of the territory ceded by Virginia, which now composes the states north of the Ohio river. The same article of the constitution stipulates also for the rendition, by the several states, of fugitives from justice from the other states. The general government, as the common agent, passed laws to carry into effect these stipulations of the states. But an inFor many years these laws were executed. creasing hostility on the part of the non-slaveholding states to the institution of slavery has led to a disregard of their obligations, and the laws of the general government have ceased to effect the objects of the constitution. The States of Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, New York, Pennsylvania, Illinois, Indiana, Michigan, Wisconsin and Iowa have enacted laws which either nullify the acts of Congress or render In many of these useless any attempt to execute them. states the fugitive is discharged from the service or labor claimed, and in none of them has the state government complied with the stipulation made in the constitution. The State of New Jersey, at an early day, passed a law in conformity with her constitutional obligation; but the current of anti-slavery feeling has led her more recently to enact laws which render inoperative the remedies vided by her own law and by the laws of Congress. In the State of New York even the right of transit for a slave has been denied by her tribunals; and the States of Ohio and Iowa have refused to surrender to justice fugitives charged with murder, and with inciting servile insurrection in the State of Virginia. Thus the constitutional compact has been deliberately broken and disregarded by the nonslaveholding states, and the consequence follows that South Carolina is released from her obligation. pro The ends for which this constitution was framed are These ends it endeavored to accomplish by a federal equal, and had separate control over its own institutions. For twenty-five years this agitation has been steadily increasing, until it has now secured to its aid the power of the common government. Observing the forms of the constitution, a sectional party has found within that article establishing the executive department the means of subverting the constitution itself. A geographical line has been drawn across the Union, and all the states north of that line have united in the election of a man to the high office of President of the United States, whose entrusted with the administration of the common gov opinions and purposes are hostile to slavery. He is to be ernment, because he has declared that that "govern and that the public mind must rest in the belief that slament cannot endure permanently half slave, half free," very is in the course of ultimate extinction. This sectional combination for the subversion of the vating to citizenship, persons, who, by the supreme law of constitution, has been aided in some of the states by elevotes have been used to inaugurate a new policy, hostile the land, are incapable of becoming citizens; and their On the 4th of March next this party will take possesto the South, and destructive of its peace and safety. sion of the government. It has announced that the South shall be excluded from the common territory; that the must be waged against slavery until it shall cease throughjudicial tribunals shall be made sectional, and that a war out the United States. The guaranties of the constitution will then no longer exist; the equal rights of the states will be lost. The slaveholding states will no longer have the power of self-government, or self-protection, and the federal gov ernment will have become their enemy. Sectional interest and animosity will deepen the irritation, and all hope of remedy is rendered vain, by the fact litical error with the sanctions of a more erroneous relithat public opinion at the North has invested a great pogious belief. We, therefore, the people of South Carolina, by our delegates, in convention assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, have solemnly declared that the union heretofore existing between this state and the other states of North America, is dissolved, and that the State of South Carolina as a separate and independent state, with full power to has resumed her position among the nations of the world, levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and do all other acts and things which independent states may of right do. The debate on the adoption of these papers discloses some interesting facts, and is subjoined. Upon Mr. Memminger's declaration being read, Mr. Furman and Mr. Inglis raised questions as to the accuracy of certain statements, the former as to whether New Jersey had, as alleged, voted for a "sectional candidate," and the latter as to the allegation that Pennsylvania had on her statute-book a "personal liberty law." Mr. INGLIS said: They (Pennsylvania) have what they call a law to prevent kidnapping, nearly similar to the law of Virginia, which law, owing to the condition of public sentiment in Pennsylvania, has no doubt been perverted to this purpose. A document ought to be exactly accurate in its statements. of this kind, and proceeding from a body like this, should like to ask the Chairman of the Committee if he has satisfied himself with regard to the fact that there is any such law as this on the statute-book of Pennsylvania? If he has, why then I am satisfied. Mr. MEMMINGER. In reply to the gentleman I would say that I hold in my hand an elaborate report made on this point by a Committee of the Legislature of Virginia in which the laws of each State are professed to be correctly stated. Mr. INGLIS. Will the gentleman give me the date of that report? Mr. MEMMINGR. It was made at the last session, January 26th, 1860. Mr. INGLIS. To what law do they refer? for Pennsylvania has recently revised her criminal code, and, I understand, has omitted some portion of that law. Mr. MEMMINGER. This is all the information I have on the subject. It confirms what is stated in the report. Mr. ENGLISH read from De Bow's Review an article Ja very erroneous one] in support of the assertion contained in the Declaration, that nearly all the Free States had refused to sustain the Constitution. tain that this State did triumph then. Mr. Clay said, before the nullification, that the tariff system had been established for all time. After the nullification ordinance Mr. Clay said that that ordinance abol ished the American system, and that the State had triumphed. It is true that we were cheated in the compromise. The tariff is not the question which has brought us up to our present attitude. We are giving a list of the causes to the world-to the Southern States. Let them not quarrel with us now, when we are brought up to a dissolution of the Union, by the discussion of debatable and doctrinal points. The Whig party, throughout all the States, have been protective tariff men, and they cling to that old issue with all the passion incident to the pride of human opinions. Are we to go off now, when other Southern States are bringing their people up to the true mark-are we to go off on debatable and doctrinal points? Are we to go back to the consideration of this question, of this great controversy; go back to that party's politics around which so many passions Mr. MAXCY GREGO. The gentleman who just cluster? Names, sir, are much. Opinions, preju resumed his seat, has pointed out in detail the various Our people diced passions, cluster around names. questions referred to in this report. He has shown have come up to this great act. I am willing in this that things have been said there which ought not to issue to rest disunion upon the question of slavery. It is the to have been said, and of the correctness of which great central point from which we are now proceeding. I we have not sufficient evidence. But my objection to believe, sir, that the reference to other States in this the paper is greater than this. It is that, as a State address is all correct. The gentleman from Chesterpaper, to go out as a new Declaration of Independ- the Pennsylvania code is denied by the citizens of that field says that a certain construction of one act of ence, it is entirely defective and imperfect. It purports to be a declaration of the causes which justify State. I myself have very great doubts about the propriety the Secession of South Carolina from the Federal of the fugitive slave law. The Constitution was, in the Union. The causes! And yet in all this declaration first place, a compact between the several States, and Bot one word is said about the tariff, which for so in the second a treaty between the sections; and, I believe the fugitive slave law was a treaty between many years caused a contest in this State against the Federal Government. Not one word is said about sections. It was the act of sovereign States as secthe violations of the Constitution in expenditures tions; and I believe, therefore, and have very great not authorized by that instrument; but the main doubts whether it ought not to have been left to the stress is laid upon an incomparably unimportant point execution of the several States, and, failing of enrelative to fugitive slaves, and the laws passed forcement, I believe it should have been regarded as by Northern States obstructing the recovery of fugi-a casus belli. I go for the address because I believe it tive slaves. Mr. President, if we undertake to set does present succinctly and conspicuously what are forth a declaration of the causes which justify our the main primary causes. Secession, we ought to publish a complete document - document which might vie in its completeness with that which was adopted in 1776 - not that I mean to say that that is a model cause! that would be to By a good deal too much. This declaration might be put forth by gentlemen who had no objection whatever to the lavish and unconstitutional expenditures which have been made by the Federal Government for forty years past. This is not the sort of paper which, in my opinion, ought to go forth to justify A correct designation of this paper would be a declaration of some of the causes which justify the secession of South Carolina from the Federal Union. If it is proper to set forth in a solemn declaration some of the causes, why let the title be altered, and, if the Convention think proper, let it go forth; but if we undertake to set forth all the esuses, do we not dishonor the memory of all the statesmen of South Carolina, now departed, who commenced forty years ago a war against the tariff and against internal improvements, saying nothing of the Crited States Bank and other measures which may now be regarded as obsolete. Many of the acts of the noplaveholding States obstructing the recovery of fugitive slaves have been passed since 1852-I think the majority of them; but I do not regard it as a matter of an importance. But when the people of South Carolina, eight years since, declared that the causes then existing fully justifled the State in seceding, did they confine themselves to these miserable fugitive slave laws? No! Sir, I regard it as unworthy of the State of South Carolina to send forth a new declaration now, and in it to say nothing about any other cause justifying their action but fugitive slaves. I am in favor of laying this report on the table, or recommitting it. our action. Mr. KEITT. I agree with the gentleman that the power of taxation is the central power of all Governments. If you put that into my hands, I do not eare what the form of Government may be, I will control your people through it. But that is not the question in this address. We have instructed the Committee to draw up a statement of the reasons which influenced us in the present case in our withdrawal. My friend suggests that sufficient notice has not been paid to the tariff. Your late Senators, and every one of your members of the House of Representatives voted for the present tariff. If the gentleman had been there he would also have voted for it. (Laughter.] The question of the tariff did agitate us in 1832, and did array this State against the Federal Government. And I main Mr. GREGG. If this address was to be a declaration of the immediate causes which produced the secession of South Carolina, what the gentleman had said might be applicable, but its title does not say so. Another document has been submitted to this body-an Address to the Southern States. This is inconsistent with the other. In the latter address all the causes are stated in full. If we wish to find the immediate cause of the secession of South Carolina, the immediate cause of all is the election of Lincoln. Mr. INGLIS. Will the gentleman inform us whether the statutes of Virginia do not contain a paragraph relating to kidnapping, precisely similar to that of Pennsylvania? A VOICE. It is the case with Georgia. Mr. KEITT. It may be so, sir, but I do not know. Mr. INGLIS. I say, Mr. President, I make no attack upon this report; but I propose to amend it by striking out the word "fifteen" and inserting "many" instead; and then to strike out the sentence which contains the enumeration of States. It will not disturb the order to omit that. the same sources as the gentleman from Richland. Mr. DARGAN. I confess my difficulty results from Let me express also my earnest conviction of the eminent propriety of obtaining a concurrence and symmetry in the declaration of the causes which led to the secession of South Carolina, and in the senti ments enunciated in the Address to the Southern States; and as the Address to the Southern States, which was read here to-day, was made the special order for to-morrow, I move that this document be also made the special order at the same time and in connection with that subject. Mr. MIDDLETON. They are very different matters -the one an address to the Southern people and the other an address to the world. Mr. DARGAN. The subject-matter is the same. The PRESIDENT. The question will be on making the report of the Committee declaring Secession the special order for one o'clock to-morrow, in connection with the report of the Committee on Slaveholding States upon the same subject. The question was taken and the motion was agreed to. On Monday, December 24th, 1860, the Convention proceeded to consider both the Address and the Declaration, when further debate ensued. 18 Many verbal amendments having been made to the latter, Mr. J. J. P. Smith moved to adopt the former for the present, and table the latter. A DELEGATE. I second the motion, and call for the previous question. Mr. LOUIS WARDLAW. I trust that this Convention is not going to act hastily. Whatever is done should be done well. This address will reach no one of the Southern States before the elections, unless it be the State of Georgia. There is, therefore, no special need of hurrying the reference. There is not one single sentence of that address to which I do not heartily subscribe. It is an able and admirable exposition of the structure of our Government and its And yet I do not think it is exgeneral operation. actly that which an address to our Southern sisters should be. I think it treats too much upon some subjects, and does not touch others that are very important. From the beginning I have been very anxious that these two papers should be consistent one with the other, and contain all those matters which we confess should operate either upon the opinion of the Southern people or the opinion of the world. Now, sir, my objection to the address to the Southern people is that it does not dilate as it should upon matters connected with the immediate cause of our secession, but on matters connected with slavery. My objection to the other address is, that it dwells too much upon those fugitive slave laws and those personal liberty bills, which give it too much the appearance of special pleading. The address which we have under consideration does not set off to the Southern people, as it should, our defenceless condition. Already our adversaries have the House of Representatives; they will soon have the Senate, and then they can make the Judiciary what they please, and thus have entire power over the Government. It does not set forth, as I think it should, that the election of Lincoln is, in fact, an edict of emancipation. It does not set forth what would be the deleterious effects of emancipation; that emancipation would be destruction to the blacks and degradation to the whites. Nor does this address set forth the shameless hypocrisy of the North, who, whilst they cry out against what they call the sin of slavery, do not choose to relieve themselves of that which they assert is an evil by withdrawing from the Confederacy. When these addresses go forth, they go forth as solemn State papers, by which we must be able to stand. For this reason, every word should be most carefully considered, and nothing superfluous shonld be contained in them; nothing important should be omitted. Mr. MEMMINGER next took the floor and defended the address to the nations of the world, which was After reciting its points and reported by himself. the principles it enunciated, he said: We show by law of compact that we are entitled to leave this Government. My friend from Abbeville says, in this regard, he does not exactly approve this document. Allow me to say to the honorable gentlemen that when you take the position that you have a right to break your faith, to destroy an agreement which you have made, to tear off your seal from the document to which it is affixed, you are bound to justify your self fully to all the nations of the world; for there is nothing that casts such a stain upon the escutcheon of a nation as a breach of faith. Therefore the document shows fully that both in measure and in spirit our co-States have broken the Constitution and the Union. Not only in letter has this been done, but also in spirit. The common agent which should have acted for our common good has been converted into an instrument for our destruction. And now as a consummating act a section. President has been elected, whose chief recommendation was that he desires to see slavery abolished. The great objection that we raise is not to Abraham Lincoln himself, but because he is the representative of a hostile opinion, destructive of every interest of the South. Mr. RHETT next spoke in explanation of the Address to the Southern States, which was reported by himself. This committee, he said, determined that, whilst setting forth the immediate cause which induced South Carolina to secede, it was not improper to go into previous causes which led to that result. The secession of South Carolina is not an event of a day. It is not any thing produced by Mr. Lincoln's election, or by the non-execution of the fugitive slave law. It has been a matter which has been gathering head for thirty years, election of Lincoln and Hamlin was the last Our only one. The back was nearly broken before. The Judge WITHERS said: I have not much to say to this mit to them is this: that the addresses which are now Convention, but the first thing which I desire to subupon your table, and which are the subject-matter of a motion for further reference to the two committees reporting them, are, in my understanding, diplomatic papers. I profess not to be much of a diplomat myself, yet I profess to have a desire that this Convention shall confine itself to the object which it prescribes to itself. What is the object of the Address to the Southern People? Is it not to conciliate the Southern States towards the purposes of a Southern Confederacy; and, as far as we can, to persuade them to enter into a compact with South Carolina? Is that the object of the Address to the Slaveholding States? If not, why should it be issued? It is said in the discussion that the Address to the Slaveholding States should descant upon the taxing power and the power to lay duties upon imports, as well as the expenditures of money in undue propor tion upon the part of the Federal Government among the Free States, as matters of grievances of the greatest importance; that such topics ought to be Well, in an Address to the People of the Slave found in this paper setting forth the causes of Secession. holding States is it expedient to dwell and insist upon a topic which will not find favor with all the Southern States? I submit to the experience of the whether, if we declared that we separated from the able gentleman who prepared that address to say Confederacy because of the tariff of protection to so true, a sentiment corresponding to public opinion domestic manufactures, he will find that, be it ever All this matter of the tariff has been enacted while in Louisiana, Missouri, or Kentucky? the Confederacy existed, and with South Carolina as who was it voted for a tariff highly protective to a party to the transaction, When it begun in 1816, domestic manufactures? Did not that great man whom we all reverence, both living and dead-I mean Benresentative in the House from the Congressional Mr. Calhoun-vote for this measure? Did not the a cause for which she separates from the United States. It was a matter, as long ago as 1643, of stipulation between Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and another colony, that they should deliver each other's fugitive slaves. It was a matter between the colonies that each colony should deliver fugitives. As long ago as that period Congress did exercise this power, and we did acquiesce and never voted against it. district including Richland vote for the tariff of 1816? Has tere over been a time when Louisiana, Missouri, and Kentucky were not in favor of a protective tariff; not only for protection of domestic manufactures, but for protection on the products of sugar and hemp? Are you sure they will join you in saying they should dissolve the Union on account of the existing tariff giving protection to domestic manufactures? You believe, and so do I, that there has been a perversion of the Constitution in relation to imposts for the purpose of protection to domestic manufactures. I know of no time, from the period of my entering college in 1823, that I did not believe it was a bold and daring invasion of the Constitution of the United States. Undoubtedly this is my opinion, undoubtedly this is the opinion of South Carolina. Then if I had to draw these papers, if I should present my views and opinions in a common address to the Slaveholding States, I should sug-manded justice under the compact. It was then I would gest the propriety of leaving out all topics of that description, when I believe that three of these States differ in Sentiment with South Carolina. It appears to me, therefore, we have not exactly hit upon the matter which is the most expedient and proper in an Address to the People of the Slaveholding States. It is a diplomatic document. I shall vote for it. But at the same time I do not think as a diplomatic paper, that with respect to the levying of duties eu imports, it is likely to find favor with all our slaveholding friends for whom this tariff was designed as well as for the North. tion. There has been an unfaithful execution of the Con When we complain in the aggregate, or in general terms, when we say that the grievances of South Carolina are found in the fact that the Treasury has been depleted by illegal means, and in undue proportion administered to the North, I question whether we are quite safe in alleging that as a grievance of South Carolina, without qualificastitution on the part of its own general agent in that respect. But let us not forget to confess the truth under any and all circumstances. What have we ourselves been doing? And in the city of Charleston, too, where have you bought your supplies, and with whom do you trade? Where has the great surplus of your money been necessarily spent? Where has it gone to? Has it not gone to these people who have received the Federal money? Goverument and individuals have sought the same market. Why? Because nobody else could furnish the articles each wanted. Can you say, therefore, that the Federal Government is to be blamed for spending a large amount of money in the non-slaveholding States? Where was the Federal Government obliged to get its necessary support for the army and navy? Where could the Federal GovernKent fill up the ranks of its army and navy? Will you not allow the Government to buy of its own citizens, as we Lave all done? If by the cunning of these men in the -slaveholding States they have been able to present to the Government inducements to obtain their supplies, can We complain? Where else could they have been procured? So for the Government has been obliged to spend its my among the people of the North and Northwest for baca, lard, and all the supplies of the army and navy. I valait these views for the purpose of drawing the attenKen of the Convention to the fact that we may go too far in this document, and use assertions too strong. In respect to the argument of the fugitive slave law, I comertully. I heard something said here questioning the Constitutionality of the fugitive slave law, as it is called. This is a difficult question. In the case of Prigg and the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, all the Judges of the United States Court but two declared that Congress, and Congress alone, could provide legislation to execute the farth article of the Constitution of the United States. Immediately after that decision the astute Legislatures of the New England States seized upon that decision and passed their liberty laws, invoking the doctrine announced in the case of Prigg vs. the Commonwealth of PennsylTania Could any man say that South Carolina should separate from the United States in consequence of the Congress of the United States passing such a law? A like law was passed in 1793. Did our people object to it then? I confess I have a reverence for antiquity. I profess to have a veneration of the men of 1793-Christopher Gadsden, John Kutledge, the Pinckneys, and others. I profess to believe that they were as patriotic as I profess to be. If we marie no objection at that time to the power of Congress to pass a fugitive slave law, under the fourth article of the Constitution of the United States, I hold it would be unsafe for the Convention of South Carolina to say that that is If I were to stand here and declare the various causes which led me to subscribe my name to the Act of Secession, I should insist on some other considerations besides those suggested by this address. I would have said that when a citizen of Maryland went to Pennsylvania to recover his fugitive under an act of Congress they murdered him, and his murderer escaped from justice in the court of Pennsylvania. Then was the time for Maryland to have dehave stood up for the rights of that slaveholder. If I chose further to afflict this Convention I could bring before them a long catalogue of grievances. I think if every member of the Convention should draw up an indictment against the people of the unfaithful confederate States, and you might have any number of addresses upon that subject, you would probably find no two very nearly alike. Since, therefore, every one's taste and judgment cannot be answered, if there be no substantial objection to the addresses before us, as I think there is not, it is proper to vote for them, and I shall do so. The papers were both adopted. A third report was made to the Convention by Judge Withers from the Committee on Relations with the Slaveholding States of North America, which should be included, to make the catalogue complete : states of North America," beg leave to report that they The committee on "relations with the slaveholding have carefully considered the three several propositions contained in the resolutions referred to them, which were submitted in convention by three several members from St. Phillip's and St. Michael's. All the resolutions referred to the committee look to the purpose of confederate relations with our sister states of the South, having common interests with us, and every cause, as we trust, to indulge towards us common sympathies and to contract cordial relations. In such a purpose the committee entirely and unanimously concur, and they recommend that every proper measure Le adopted to accomplish such an end. Upon this subject so much unanimity prevails, and has long prevailed in this state, that an argument thereupon would be wholly superfluous. All seem to agree that the first step proper to confederation we seek, is the appointment of commissionbe taken for the purpose of promoting and securing the the South as may call conventions to consider and deterers, by the authority of this convention, to such states of mine their future political relations. The committee advise that such steps be taken by this convention, hoping and believing that our sister states of initiative as arising, by no means, from any presumptuous the South will correctly interpret our action in taking the stances have given to this state in the line of procedure for arrogance, but from the advance position which circumthe great design of maintaining the rights, the security and the very existence of the slaveholding South. It has been a subject of anxious consideration with the committee whether the commissioners, whose appointbasis of a temporary or provisional government to the ment they recommend, should be instructed to tender any states to which they may be accredited. The instrument called the constitution of the United States of America, has been suggested as a suitable and proper basis to be offered for a provisional government. by various considerations, which cannot now be set forth in full or at large. Among these are: The suggestion has been commended to the committee That the said instrument was the work of minds of the first order, in strength and accomplishment. That it was most carefully constructed by comprehensive views and careful examinations of details. That experience has proved it to be a good form of government for those sufficiently virtuous, intelligent and paotic to cause it to be fairly and honestly construed and impartially administered. verse to that plan of government of confederated states, on That the settled opinion of this state has never been adis attributable to the false glosses, and dangerous misinter account of anything in its structure; but the dissatisfaction pretation, and perversion of sundry of its provisions, even *In 1847. 20 to the extent, in one particular, of so covering up the real purposes of certain legislation, (meant to protect domestic manufactures in one section), as to estop the supreme court in its opinion, from judicially perceiving the real design. That it presents a complete scheme of confederation, capable of being speedily put into operation; familiar by long acquaintance with its provisions, and their true import to the people of the South, many of whom are believed to cherish a degree of veneration for it, and would feel safe under it, when in their own hands, for interpretation and administration, especially as the portions that have been, by perversion, made potent for mischief and oppression in the hands of adverse and inimical interests, have received a settled construction by the South. That a speedy confederation by the South is desirable in the highest degree, which, it is supposed, must be temporary at first, (if accomplished as soon as it should be), and no better basis than the constitution of the United States is likely to be suggested or adopted for temporary purposes. That the opinions of those to whom it is designed to offer it, would be conciliated by the testimony the very act itself would carry, that South Carolina meant to seek no selfish advantage, nor to indulge the least spirit of dictation. That such form of government is more or less known to Europe, and, if adopted, would indicate abroad that the seceding southern states had the foresight and energy to put into operation forthwith, a scheme of government and administration competent to produce a prompt organization for internal necessities, and a sufficient protection of foreign commerce directed hither, as well as to guarantee foreign powers in the confidence that a new confederacy had immediately arisen, quite adequate to supercede all the evils, internal and external, of a partial or total inter regnum. That its speedy adoption would work happily as a revivifying agency in matters financial and commercial between the states adoptingit, and between them as a united power and foreign commercial nations, and at the same time would combine, without delay, a power touching purse and sword, that might bring to a prudent issue the reflections of those who may perchance be contemplating an invasion, or to an issue disastrous to them, the attempted execution of such unholy design. Such are some of the considerations, very rapidly stated, which address themselves to this subject. It is contended that some limitation of the power to levy duties, and that to regulate commerce, (and perhaps other provisions of the said constitution), may be desirable, and are in fact so, to some of the committee, yet these modifications may be safely left to a period when the articles of a permanent government may be settled, and that, meantime, the constitution referred to will serve the purpose of a temporary confederation, which the committee unite in believing ought to be sought, through all proper measures, most earnestly. It is also submitted, that if the tender of the said constitution, even as a provisional government, should, in the opinion of the convention, be accompanied by a condition that it be subject to specific limitations, expositions of ambiguities, or modifications, the committee would respectfully refer to the convention itself such matters; and this is done, not because the committee would not willingly consider and report upon such subject, but because they deem it due to the convention and the public interest that they should now lay before the convention the reso lutions, which the majority of the committee recommend to the convention as fit to be adopted, viz: Resolved, First. That this convention do appoint a commissioner to proceed to each of the slaveholding states that may assemble in convention, for the purpose of laying our ordinance of secession before the same, and respectfully inviting their co-operation in the formation with us of a southern confederacy. ernment for such states, which proposed plan shall be Mr. Dargan said: A statement of the rea- Speech of Alexander H. Stephens, As against these allegations, we insert the speech of Hon. ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS of Georgia, before the Legislature of Georgia, November 14th, 1860, and an extract from his speech in the Convention of Georgia, of January, 1861; Fellow-Citizens:-I appear before you to-night, at the request of members of the Legislature and others, to speak of matters of the deepest interest that can possibly concern us all of an earthly character. There is nothingno question or subject connected with this life-that concerns a free people so intimately as that of the government under which they live. We are now, indeed, surrounded by evils. Never, since I entered upon the public stage, has the country been so environed with difficulties and dangers that threatened the public peace, and the very existence of society, as now. I do not now appear before you at my own instance. It is not to gratify a desire of my own that I am here. Had I consulted my own ease and pleasure 1 should not be before you; but, believing that it is the duty of every good citizen to give his counsels and views whenever the country is in danger, as to the best policy to be pursued, I am here. For these reasons, and these only, do I bespeak a calm, patient and attentive hearing. Second. That our commissioners aforesaid, be further |