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rules. And while I do not choose now to ! broken, and, to the extent of my ability, I shall specify particular acts of Congress as proper take care, as the Constitution itself expressly to be caforced, I do suggest that it will be much enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union safer for all, both in official and private șta- be faithfully executed in all the States. Doing tions, to conform to and abide by all those acts this I deem to be only a simple duty on my which stand unrepealed, tban to violate any of part; and I shall perform it, so far as practi. them, trusting to find impunity in having them cable, unless my rightful masters, the Ameriheld to be unconstitutional.
can people, shall withhold the requisite means, It is seventy-two years since the first inaugu- or, in some authoritative manner, direct the ration of a President under our National Con- contrary. I trust this will not be regarded as stitution. During that period fifteen different a menace, but only as a declared purpose of and grea-ly distinguished citizens have, in suc- the Union that it will constitutionally defend cession, administered the Executive branch of and maintain itself. the Government. They have conducted it In doing this there need be no bloodshed or through many perils, and generally with great violence; and there shall be none, unless it be success. Yet, with all this scope for precedent, forced upon the national authority. The power I now enter upon the same task for the brief confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, constitutional term of four years under great and possess the property and places belonging and peculiar difficulty. A disruption of the to the Government, and to collect the duties Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is and imposts ; but, beyond what may be necesnow formidably attempted.
sary for these objects, there will be no invasion, I hold that, in contemplation of universal no using of force against or among the people Jaw, and of the Constitution, the Union of anywhere. Where hostility to the United these States is perpetual. Perpetuity is im- States, in any interior locality, shall be so great plied, if not expressed, in the fundamental law and universal as to prevent competent resident of all National Governments. It is safe to as- citizens from holding the Federal offices, there sert that no Government proper ever had a will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers provision in its organic law for its own termi- among the people for that object. While the nation. Continue to execute all the express strict legal right may exist in the Government provisions to our National Constitution, and to enforce the exercise of these offices, the at. the Union will endure forever--it being im- tempt to do so would be so irritating, and so possible to des roy it, except by some action nearly impracticable with all, I deem it better not provided for in the instrument itself. to forego, for the time, the uses of such offices.
Again, if the United States be not a Govern- The mails, unless repelled, will continue to ment proper, but an association of States in the be furnished in all parts of the Union. So far nature of the contract merely, can it, as a con. as possible, the people everywhere shall have tract, be peaceably unmade by less than all the that sense of perfect security which is most parties who made it? One party to a contract favorable to calm thought and reflection. The may violate it-break it, so to speak; but does course here indicated will be followed, unless it not require all to lawfully rescind it? current events and experience shall show s
Descending from these general principles, we modification or change to be proper, and in find the proposition that, in legal contempla- every case and exigency my best discretion tion, the Union is perpetual, confirmed by the will be exercised, according to circumstances history of the Union itself. The Union is actually existing, and with a view and a hope much older than the Constitution. It was of a peaceful solution of the national troubles, formed in fact by the Articles of Association and the restoration of fraternal sympathies and in 1774. It was inatured and continued by the affections. Declaration of Independence in 1776. It was That there are persons in one section or further matured, and the faith of all the then another who seek to destroy the Union at all thirteen States expressly plighted and engaged events, and are glad of any pretext to do it, I that it should be perpetual, by the Articles of will neither affirm nor deny ; but if there be Confederation in 1778. And, finally, in 1787, such I need address no word to them. To those, one of the declared objects for ordaining and however, who really love the Union, may I noi establishing the Constitution was “ to form a speak ? more perfect union."
Before entering upon so grave a matter as But if destruction of the Union, by one, or the destruction of our national fabric, with all by a part only, of the States, be lawfully pos- its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, would sible, the Union is less perfect than before, the it not be wise to ascertain precisely why we do Constitution having lost the vital element of it? Will you hazard so desperate a step wbile perpetuity.
there is any possibility that any portion of the It follows, from these views, that no State, ills you fly from have no real existence ? Will upon its own mere motion, can lawfully get you, while the certain ills you fly to are greater out of the Union; that resolves and ordinances than all the real ones you fly from—will you to that effect are legally void, and that acts of risk the commission of so fearful a mistake? violence, within any State or States, against All profess to be content in the Union, if all the authority of the United States, are insur- constitutional rights can be maintained. rectionary or revolutionary, according to cir- true, then, that any right, plainly written in cumstances.
the Constitution, has been denied ? I think not. I, therefore, consider that, in view of the Happily the human mind is so constituted that Constitution and the laws, the Union is un- no party can reach to the audacity of doing
this. Think, if you can, of a single instance'may be erroneous in any given case, still the in which a plainly written provision of the evil effect following it, being limited to that Constitution has ever been denied. If, by the particular case, with the chance that it may be mere force of numbers, a majority should de- overruled, and never become a precedent for prive a minority of any clearly written con other cases, can better be borne than could the stitutional right, it migbt, in a moral point of evils of a different practice. At the same time view, justify revolution-certainly would if the candid citizen must confess that if the polsuch rigot were a vital one. But such is not icy of the Government upon vital questions, our case. All the vital rights of minorities affecting the whole people, is to be irrevocably and of individuals are so plainly assured to fixed by decisions of the Supreme Court, the them by affirmations and negations, guarantees instant they are made in ordinary litigation and prohibitions in the Constitution, that con between parties in personal actions the people troversies never arise concerning them. But will have ceased to be their own rulers, having Do organic law can ever be framed with a pro- to that extent practically resigned their governvision specifically applicable to every question ment into the hands of that eminent tribunal. which may occur in practical administration. Nor is there in this view any assault upon No foresight can anticipate, nor any document the Court or the Judges. It is a duty from of reasonable length contain express provisions which they may not shrink to decide cases propfor all possible questions. Shall fugitives from erly brought before them, and it is no fault of labor be surrendered by National or by State theirs if others seek to turn their decisions to authority ? The Constitution does not expressly political purposes. One section of our country sar. May Congress prohibit slavery in the believes slavery is right, and ought to be exTerritories? The Constitution does not ex- tended, while the other believes it is wrong, and pressly say. Must Congress protect slavery in ought not to be extended. This is the only the Territories ? The Constitution does not substantial dispute. The fugitive slave clause espressly say.
of the Constitution, and the law for the supFrom questions of this class spring all our pression of the foreign slave trade, are each as constitutional controversies, and we divide well enforced, perhaps, as any law can ever be upon them into majorities and minorities. If in a community where the moral sense of the the minority will not acquiesce the majority people imperfectly supports the law itself. The must, or the Government must cease. There great body of the people abide by the dry legal is no other alternative; for continuing the obligation in both cases, and a few break over Government is acquiescence on one side or the in each. This, I think, cannot be perfectly other. If a minority in such case will secede cured; and it would be worse in both cases rather than acquiesce they make a precedent after the separation of the sections than before. which, in turn, will divide and ruin them; for The foreign slave trade, now imperfectly supa minority of their own will secede from them pressed, would be ultimately revived without whenever a majority refuses to be controlled restriction in one section; while fugitive slaves, b; such minority. For instance, why may not now only partially surrendered, would not be any portion of a new Confederacy, a year or surrendered at all, by the other. two bence, arbitrarily secede again, precisely Physically speaking, we cannot separate. We 23 portions of the present Union now claim to cannot remove our respective sections from each Becede from it? All who cherish disunion other, nor build an impassable wall between sentiments are now being educated to the exact them. A husband and wife may be divorced, temper of doing this.
and go out of the presence and beyond the reach Is there such perfect identity of interests of each other ; but the different parts of our among the States to compose a new Union, as country cannot do this. They cannot but reto produce harmony only, and prerent renewed main face to face; and intercourse, either amiSecession ?
cable or hostile, must continue between them. Plainly, the central idea of secession is the Is it possible, then, to make that intercourse Essence of anarchy. A majority held in re- more advantageous or more satisfactory after straint by constitutional checks and limitations separation than before? Can aliens make treaand always changing easily with deliberate ties easier than friends can make laws? Can' changes of popular opinions and sentiments, treaties be more faithfully enforced between is the only true sovereign of a free people. aliens than laws can among friends ? Suppose Whoerer rejects it, does, of necessity, ily to you go to war, you cannot fight always; and anarchy or to despotism. Unanimity is im- when after much loss on both sides, and no possible; the rule of a minority, as a perma- gain on either, you cease fighting, the indentiLent arrangement, is wholly inadmissible ; so cal old questions, as to terms of intercourse, are that, rejecting the majority principle, anarchy again upon you. or despotism in some form is all that is left. This country, with its institutions, belongs to
I do not forget the position assumed by some, the people who inhabit it. Whenever they that constitutional questions are to be decided shall grow weary of the existing Government by the Supreme Court; nor do I deny that such they can exercise their constitutional right of decision must be binding, in any case, upon the amending it, or their revolutionary right to disparties to a suit, as to the object of that suit, member or overthrow it. I cannot be ignorant while they are also entitled to very high respect of the fact that many worthy and patriotic citand consideration in all parallel cases by all izens are desirous of having the National Conother departments of the Government. "And stitution amended. While I make no recomwhile it is obviously possible that such decision mendation of amendments, I fully recognize the
rightful authority of the people over the whole | reliance on Him who has never yet forsaken subject, to be exercised in either of the modes this favored land, are still competent to adjust, prescribed in the instrument itself; and I should in the best way, all our present difficulty. under existing circumstances, favor rather than In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countryoppose a fair opportunity being afforded the men, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of people to act upon it. I will venture to add that civil war. The Government will not assail you. to me the convention mode seems preferable, You can have no conflict without being your in that it allows amendments to originate with selves the aggressors. You have no oath registhe people themselves, instead of only permit- tered in Heaven to destroy the Government, ting them to take or reject propositions origi- while I shall have the most solemn one to "pre nated by others, not especially chosen for the serve, protect, and defend it.” purpose, and which might not be precisely I am loth to close. We are not enemies, but such as they would wish to either accept or re- friends. “We must not be enemies. Though fuse. I understand a proposed amendment to passion may have strained, it must not break the Constitution, which amendment, however, our bonds of affection. The mystic chords of I have not seen-has passed Congress, to the memory, stretching from every battle-field and effect that the Federal Government shall never patriot grave to every living heart and hearthinterfere with the domestic institutions of the stone, all over this broad land, will yet swell States, including that of persons held to service. the chorus of the Union, when again touched, To avoid misconstruction of what I have said, as surely they will be, by the better angels of I depart from my purpose not to speak of par- our nature. ticular amendments so far as to say that, hold
PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S CABINET. ing such a provision now to be implied constitutional law, I have no objection to its being Secretary of State— WILLIAM H. SEWARD, of New York. made express and irrevocable.
Secretary of the Treasury-SALMON P. CHASE, of Ohio; sucThe Chief Magistrate derives all his authority ceeded July 5, 1861, by Wm. Pitt FESSENDEN, of Maine. from the people, and they have conferred none Secretary of War-SIMON CAMERON, of Pennsylvania ; suoupon him to fix terms for the separation of the
ceeded January 11, 1862, by EDWIN M. STANTON, of Ohio. States. The people themselves can do this also if they choose; but the Executive, as such, has Secretary of the Navy_GIDEON WELLES, of Connecticut. nothing to do with it. His duty is to adminis- Secretary of the Interior-CALEB B. SMITH, of Indiana ; ter the present Government, as it came to his succeeded January 8, 1863, by JOAN P. USHER, of Indi. bands, and to transmit it, unimpaired by him, to bis successor.
Attorney General-EDWARD BATES, of Missouri; succeeded Why should there not be a patient confidence December 14, 1864, by JAMES SPEED, of Kentucky. in the ultimate justice of the people? Is there any better or equal hope in the world? In our
Postmaster General-MONTGOMERY BLAIR, of Maryland; present differences is either party without faith
succeeded October 1, 1864, by WILLIAM DexxisOX, of of being in the right? If the Almighty Ruler
Obio. of Nations, with his eternal truth and justice, be on your side of the North, or on yours of the MR. BEWARD AND “THE COMMISSIONERS OF THE South, that truth and that justice will surely
SOUTHERN CONFEDERACY." prevail, by the judgment of this great tribunal (Mensorandum.]
DEPARTMENT OF STATE, of the American people.
WASHINGTON, March 15, 1861. By the frame of the Government under which Mi. John Forsyth, of the State of Alabama, and Mr. Mar we live, this same people have wisely
given their tin J.Crawford, of the State of Georgia, on the 11th instant, public servants but little power for mischief; ted to the Secretary of State their desire for an unofficial and have, with equal wisdom, provided for the interview: This request was, on the 12th instant, upon return of that little to their own hands at very
exclusively public considerations, respectfully declined.
On the 13th instant, while the Secretary was preoccupiech, short intervals. While the people retain their Mr. A. P. Banks, of Virginia, called at this Department and virtue and vigilance, no Administration, by any was received by the Assistant Secretnry, to whom he delivextreme of weakness or folly, can very seriously by Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford to present to the Secre iniure the Government in the short space of tary in person.
Gorernment that the President, Congress, and people of the
APRIL 8, 1861. Confederate States earnestly desire a peaceful solution of The foregoing memorandum was filed in this Department these great questions, and that it is neither their interest on the 15th of March last. A delivery of the same, how. per their wish to make any demand which is not founded ever, to Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford was delayed, as was in strictest justice, nor to do any act to injure their late understood, with their consent. They have now, through confederates.
their secretary, communicated their desire for a definitive After making these statements, Messrs. Forsyth and disposition of the subject. The Secretary of State there Crawford close their communication, as they say, in obe- fore directs that a duly verified copy of the paper be now dience to the instructions of their Government, by request- delivered. fug the Secretary of State to appoint as early a day A true copy of the original, delivered to me by Mr. F.
possible in order that they may present to the Pres- W. Seward, Assistant Secretary of State of the United ident of the United States the credentials which they States, on April 8th, 1861, at 2.15 P. M., in blank envelope. bear, and the objects of the mission with which they are ATTEST:
J. T. PICKETT, charged.
Secretary to the Commissioners. The Secretary of State frankly confesses that he understands the events which have recently occurred, and the condition of political affairs which actually exists in the
The Commissioners in reply to Mr. Seward. part of the Union to which bis attention has thus been
WASHINGTON, April 9, 1861. directed, very differently from the aspect in which they Hon. Wm. I. SEWARD, Secretary of State of the United tre presented by Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford. He sees States, Washington. to them not a rightful and accomplished revolution and an The “memorandum,” dated Department of State, Washindependent nation, with an established Government, but ington, March 16, 1861, with postscript under date of 8th rather a perversion of a temporary and partisan excitement | instant, has been received through the hands of Mr. J. T. to the inconsiderate purpose of an unjustifiable and un- Pickett, secretary to this commission, who, by the instrucconstitutional aggression upon the rights and the authority tions of the undersigned, called for it on yesterday at the rested in the Federal Government, and hitherto benigoly Department. exercised, as from their very nature they always must be In that memorandum you correctly state the purport of by exercised, for the maintenance of the Union, the pre- the official note addressed to you by the undersigned on the berration of liberty, and the security, peace, welfare, 12th ultimo. Without repeating the contents of that note happiness, and aggrandizement of the American people. in full, it is enough to say here that its object was to invite
The Secretary of State, therefore, avows to Messrs. Forsyth the Government of the United States to a friendly con. lod Crawford that he looks patiently but confidently for the sideration of the relations between the United States and cure of evils which hava resulted from proceedings so un- the seven States lately of the Federal Union, but now Deesssary, so unwise, so unusual, and so unnatural, not to separated from it by the sovereign will of their people, irregular negotiations, having in view new and untried re-growing out of the pregnant and undeniable fact that those lations with agencies unknown to and acting in derogation people have rejected the authority of the United States of the Constitution and laws, but to regular and considerate and established a Government of their own. Those relaaction of the people of those States, in co-operation with tions had to be friendly or hostile. The people of the old their brethren in the other States, through the Congress and new Governments, occupying contiguous territories, of the United States, and such extraordinary Conventions, had to stand to each other in the relation of good neighif there shall be need tbereof, as the Federal Constitution bors, each seeking their happiness and pursuing their contemplates and authorized to be assembled. It is, how. national destinies in their own way, without interference purpose of the Secretary of State on this occa- with
the other, or they had to be rival and hostile nations. aion not to invite or engage in any discussion of these sub The Government of the Confederate States had no hesitajects, but simply to set forth his reasons for declining to tion in electing its choice in this alternative. Frankly and comply with the request of Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford. unreservedly, seeking the good of the people who had en.
On the 4th of March instant the then newly elected trusted them with power, in the spirit of humanity, of the President of the United States, in view of all the facts Christian civilization of the age, and of that Americanism bearing on the present question, assumed the Executive which regards the true welfare and happiness of the people, administration of the Government, first delivering, in ac- the Government of the Confederate States, among its first cordance with an early and horored custom, an inaugural acts, commissioned tho undersigned to approach the Gov. ildren to the people of the United States. The Secretary ernment of the United States with the olive branch of of State respectfully submits a copy of this address to Messrs. peace, and to offer to adjust the great questions pending Forsyth and Crawford. A simple reference to it will be between them in the only way to be justified by the consuficient to satisfy those gentlemen that the Secretary of sciences and common sense of good men who had nothing State, guided by the principles therein announced, is but the welfare of the people of the two Confederacies at prevented altogether from admitting or assuming that the heart. States referred to be them, have, in law or in fact, withdrawn Your Government has not chosen to meet the underfrom the Federal Ŭpion, or that they could do so in the signed in the conciliatory and peaceful spirit in which they banner described by Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford, or in are commissioned. Persistently wedded to those fatal Any other manner than with the consent and concert of theories of construction of the Federal Constitution always the people of the United States, to be given through a Na- rejected by the statesmen of the South, and adhered to by tional Convention, to be assembled in conformity with the those of the Administration school, until they have proprovisions of the Constitution of the United States. of duced their natural and often predicted result of the de course the secretary of State cannot act upon the assump-struction of the Union, under which wo might have contion, or in any way admit
that the so-called Confederate tinued to live happily and gloriously together had the States constitute
a foreign Power, with whom diplomatic spirit of the ancestry who framed the common Constitution relations onght to be established.
animated the hearts of all their sons, yon now, with a perUnder these circumstances the Secretary of State, whose sistence untaught and uncured by the ruin which has been oficial duties are confined, subject to the direction of the wrought, refuse to recognize the great fact presented to you President, to the conducting of the foreign relations of the of a completed and successful revolution; you close your toantry, and do not at all embrace domestic questions or eyes to the existence of the Government founded upon it, questions arising between the several States and the Fed- and ignore the high duties of moderation and humanity eral Government, is unable to comply with the request of which attach to you in dealing with this great fact. Had Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford, to appoint a day on which you met these issues with the frankness and manliness with they may present the evidences of their authority and the which the undersigned were instructed to present them to olject of their visit to the President of the United States. you and treat them, the undersigned had not now the mel. On the contrary, he is obliged to state to Messrs Forsyth ancholy duty to return home and tell their Government and Crawford that he has no authority, nor is he at liberty and their countrymen that their earnest and ceaseless to recognize them as diplomatic agents, or hold correspon- efforts in behalf of peace had been futile, and that the dence or other communication with them.
Government of the United States meant to subjugate them Finally, the Secretary of State yould horse that al
being in keeping and consistency with the theory of the On the 1st of April we were again informed that thero Secretary of State, maintained in his memorandum, that might be an attempt to supply Fort Sumter with prom these Statey are still component parts of the late American visions, but that Governor Pickens should have previous Union, as the undersigned are not aware of any constitu- notice of this attempt There was no suggestion of a retional power in the President of the United States to levy inforcement. The undersigned did not hesitate to believe war, without the consent of Congress, upon a foreign peo- that these assurances expressed the intention of the Ad. ple, much less upon any portion of the people of the United ministration at the time, or at all events of prominent States.
members of the Administration. This delay was assented The undersigned, like the Secretary of State, have no to for the express purporo of attaining the great end of purpose to “invite or engage in discussion" of the subject the mission of the undersigued, to wit, a specific solution on which their two Governments are so irreconcilably at to existing complications. The inference deducible froin variance. It is this variance that has broken up the old the date of your memorandum that the undersigned had, Union, the disintegration of which has only begun. It is of their own volition and without canse, consented to this proper, however, tq, advise you that it were well to dismiss | long hiatus in the grave duties with wbich they were the hopes you seem to entertain that, by any of the modes charged is therefore not consistent with a just exposition indicated, the people of the Confederate States will ever be of the facts of the case. brought to submit to the authority of the Government of The intervening twenty-three days were employed in the United States. You are dealing with delusions, too, active unofficial efforts,the object of which was to smooth the when you seek to separate our people from our Govern- path to a pacific solution, the distinguished personage al. ment and to characterize the deliberato, sovereign act of inded to co-operating with the undersigned, and every step that people as a “perversion of a temporary and partisan of that effort is recorded in writing, and now in possession excitement.” If you cherish these dreams you will be of the undersigned and of their Government. It was only awakened from them and find them as unreal and unsub- when all these anxious efforts for peace had been ex. stantial as others in which you have recently indulged. hausted, and it became clear that Mr. Lincoln had determThe undersigned would omit the performance of an obvious ined to appeal to the sword to reduce the people of the Copduty were they to fail to make known to the Government federate states to the will of the section or party whose of the United States that the people of the Confederate President he is, that the undersigned resumed the official States have declared their independenco with a full knowl- negotiation temporarily suspended, and sent their secroedge of all the responsibilities of that act, and with as firm tary for a reply to their official note of March 12. a determination to maintain it by all the means with which It is proper to add that, during these twenty-three days, nature has endowed them as that which sustained their two gentlemen of official distinction as high as that of the fathers when they throw off the authority of the British personage hitherto alluded to, aided the undersigned as in
termediaries in these unofficial negotiations for peace. The undersigned clearly understand that you have do The undersigned, Commissioners of the Confederate States clined to appoint a day to enable them to lay the objects of America, having thus made answer to all they deern of the mission with which they are charged before the material in the memorandum filed in the Department on President of the United States, because so to do would be the 15th of March last, have the honor to be, to recognize the independence and separate nationality
JOHN FORSYTH, of the Confederate States. This is the vein of thought
MARTIN J. CRAWFORD, that pervades the memorandum before us. The truth of
A. B. ROMAN. history requires that it should distinctly appear upon the record that the undersigned did not ask the Government A true copy of the original by one delivered to Mr. F. W. of the United States to recognize the independence of the Seward, Assistant Secretary of State of the United States, Confederato States. They only asked audience to adjust, at eight o'clock in the evening of April 9, 1861. in a spirit of amity and peace, the new relations springing Attest:
J. T. PICKETT, Secretary, dc. from a manifest and accomplished revolution in the Government of the late Federal Union. Your refusal to enter
Mr. Seward in reply to the Commissioners. tain these overtures for a peaceful solution, tho active naval an:l military preparation of this Government, and a formal
DEPARTMENT OF STATE, notice to the commanding general of the Confederate
WASHINGTON, April 10, 1861. forces in the harbor of Charleston that the President in
Messrs. Forsyth, Crawford, and Roman, having been ap tends to provision Fort Sumter by forcible
means, if neces- prized by a memorandum which has been delivered to them sary, aro viewed by the undersigned, and can only be that the Secretary of State is not at liberty to hold official received by the world, as a declaration of war against the intercourse with them, will, it is presumed, expect DO DO Confederate States; for the President of the United States tice from him of the new communication which they bave knows that Fort Sumter cannot be provisioned without the addresssed to him under date of the 9th instant, beyond tho effusing of blood. The undersigned, in behalf of their simple acknowledgment of the receipt thereof, which he Go
ment and people, accept the gage of battle thus hereby very cheerfully gives. thronn down to them, and, appealing to God and the judgers of the Confederate states this 10th day of April, 1801.
A true copy of the original received by the Commissionment of mankind for the righteousness of the
Attest: people of the Confederate States will defend their liberties
J. T. PICKETT, Secretary, &c. to the last against this flagrant and open attempt at their subjugation to sectional power.
JUDGE CAMPBELL'S STATEMENT RESPROTING HIS This communication canuot be properly closed without
PART IN THE NEGOTIATION. adverting to the date of your memorandum. The official note of the undersigned, of the 12th March, was delivered
WASHINGTON CITY, April 13, 1861. to the Assistant Secretary of State on the 13th of that SIR: On the 15th of March ultimo I left with Judge Crawmonth, the gentleman who delivered it informing bim that ford, one of the Commissioners of the Confederate States, a the Secretary of this commission would call at twelve note in writing to the effect following: o'clock, noon, on the next day for an answer. At the ap- "I feel entire confidence that Fort Sumtor will be evacupointed hour Mr. Pickett did call, and was informed by ated in the next five daye. And this measure is felt as im