Messrs. John Quincy Adams; Alexander of O.; Allen, of of lond ferie, of N. J.; Bell, of Tenn: Biddle, Y.; Phillips, of Mass.; Potts, of Pa.; Potter, of Pa.; Rariden, "This opposition to adjournment," says the historian, was one of the worst features in this unhappy day's work-the only effect of keeping the house together being to increase irritation, and multiply the chances of an outbreak. From the beginning Southern members had voted to adjourn, but were prevented from succeeding by the tenacity with which Mr. Slade kept possession of the floor; and now, at last, when it was time to adjourn adjourn any waywhen the House was in a condition in which no good could be expected, and great harm "But extreme counsels did not prevail. There were members present who well considered that although the provocation was great and the number voting for such a firebrand motion was deplorably large, yet it was but little more than the one-fourth of the House, and decidedly less than one-half of the members from the free States: so that, even if left to the free State vote alone, the motion would have been rejected. But the motion itself, and the manner in which it was supported, was most reprehensible-necessarily le leading to disorder in the House, the destruction of its harmony and capacity for useful legislation, tending to a sectional segregation of the members, the alienation of feeling between the North and the South, and alarm to all the slaveholding States. The evil required a remedy, but not the remedy of breaking up the Union; but one which might prevent the like in future, while administering a rebuke upon the past. That remedy was found in adopting a proposition to be offered to the House, which, if agreed to, would close the door against any discussion upon abolition petitions in future, and assimiparticular, to those of the Senate. This proposition was put into the hands of Mr. Patton, of Virginia, to be offered as an amendment to the rules at the opening of the House the next morning. It was in these words : might be apprehended-there were sixty-three late the proceedings of the House, in that members willing to continue it in session. When the adjournment passed, Mr. Campbell stood up in a chair, and calling for the attention of members, invited all of the southern delegations to attend the meeting then being held in the committee-room of the District of Columbia. "Members from the slaveholding States had repaired various passions. We give a report of the to the appointment, agitated by propositions, presented from a letter written by Mr. Rhett: "In a private and friendly letter to the editor of the Charleston Mercury, amongst other events accompanying the memorable secession of the southern members from the hall of the House of Representatives, I stated to him that I had prepared two resolutions, drawn as amendments to the motion of the ،،، 'Resolved, That all petitions, memorials, and papers touching the abolition of slavery, or the buying, selling, or transferring of the United States, be laid on the table without slaves, in any State, District, or Territory of being debated, printed, read, or referred, and that no further action whatever shall be had thereon.' Accordingly, at the opening of the House Mr. Patton asked leave to submit the resolution-which was read for information. Mr. Adams objected to the grant of leave. Mr. Patton then moved a suspension of the rules, which motion required two-thirds to sustain member from Vermont, whilst he was discus-it; and, unless obtained, this salutary remedy It for an alarming evil (which was already in sing the institution of slavery in the South, declaring, that the constitution having failed to protect the South in the peaceable possession and enjoyment of their rights and peculiar institutions, it was expedient that the Union should be dissolved; and the other, appointing a committee of two members from each State, to report upon the best means of peaceably dissolving it. They were intended as amendments to a motion to refer with instructions to report a bill, abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia. I expected them to share the fate which inevitably awaited the original motion so soon as the floor could have been obtained, viz.: to be laid upon the table. My design in presenting them was, to place or on the other the renewal and perpetuation before Congress and the people what, in my of the scenes of the day before-ending in "This was one of the most important votes ever delivered in the House. Upon its issue depended the quiet of the House on one hand, opinion, was the true issue upon this great and vital question; and to point out the course of policy by which it should be met by the southern States.' breaking up all deliberation and all national legislation. It was successful, and that critical step being safely over, the passage of the resolution was secured-the free-State 1 friendly vote being itself sufficient to carry | and Yorke of N. J., also voted against t it; but, although the passage of the resolution solution of Mr. Patton. was secured, yet resistance to it continued. During the second session of the 24th Mr. Patton rose to recommend his resolution as a peace offering, and to prevent further gress, the Senate pursued the course of I agitation by demanding the previous question. Then followed a scene of disorder, which thus appears in the Register of Debates: ""Mr. Adams rose and said: Mr. Speaker, the gentleman precedes his resolution-[Loud cries of Order! order!' from all parts of the hall.] Mr. A. He preceded it with remarks -[Order! order!'] The Chair reminded the gentleman that it was out of order to address the House after the demand for the previous question. "Mr. Adams. I ask the House- [Continued cries of Order!' which completely drowned the honorable member's voice.'] "Order having been restored, the next question was, 'Is the demand for the previous question seconded?" which seconding would consist of a majority of the whole House; which, on a division, quickly showed itself. Then came the further question, 'Shall the main question be now put?' on which the yeas and nays were demanded and taken; and ended in a repetition of the vote of the same 63 against it. The main question was then put and carried; but again, on yeas and nays, to hold free-state members to their responsibility; showing the same 63 in the negative. "Thus were stifled, and in future prevented in the House, the inflammatory debates on these disturbing petitions. It was the great session of their presentation, being offered by hundreds, and signed by hundreds of thousands of persons-many of them women, who forgot their sex and their duties to mingle in such inflammatory work; some of them clergymen, who forget their mission of peace to stir up strife among those who should be brethren. It was a portentous contest. The motion of Mr. Slade was, not for an inquiry into the expediency of abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia, (a motion in itself sufficiently inflammatory), but to get the command of the House to bring in a bill for that purpose-which would be a decision of the question. His motion failed." The resolution of Mr. Patton was adopted by a vote of yeas 122, nays 74. The negative vote on this resolution was the same as on the adjournment previously recorded, with the exception that Messrs. Adams, Aycrigg, Bell, and White, who voted against adjourning, did not vote against the resolution. Mr. White voted for the resolution. The others named did not vote at all. Messrs. Bronson, of N. Y., Chaney of Ohio, Duncan of Ohio, Fletcher of Mass., Foster of N. Y., Graham of Ind., Hamer of Ohio, Ingham of Conn., Kilgore of Ohio, Leadbetter of Ohio, Shepler of Ohio, Smith of Me., Toucy of Conn., Webster of Ohio, on the table the motion to receive all abo petitions. The House adopted, on motion of Hawes of Ky., a resolution laying all tion petitions upon the table, without either printed or referred. During the 25th Congress, both House tinued to pursue a like respective course the subject of abolition petitions. The Senate has to this day continued the question of the reception of abolitio titions upon the table. On the 28th of January, 1840, the que was taken in the House on an amend offered by Mr. W. Cost Johnson, to an an ment offered by Mr. J. Q. Adams to the The amendment of Mr. Johnson was ca and was called the 21st Rule. It is as fol "That no petition, memorial or resolu or other paper, praying the abolition of sla in the District of Columbia, or any sta territory, or the slave-trade between the or territories of the United States, in wh now exists, shall be received by this H or entertained in any way whatever." It was adopted by the following vote :YEAS. Messrs. Alford, of Ga.; Andrews, of Ky.; Atl of N. H.; Banks, of Va.; Beirne, of Va.; Blackwell, of Botts, of Va.; Boyd, of Ky.; A. V. Brown, of Tenn.; 1 of Miss., Burke of N. H., Butler of Ky., Butler of S. C., I of N. C., Campbell of 8. C., Campbell of Tenn., Carroll Chapman, Coles, of Colquitt, of Ga.; Con N. C., Cooper of Ga., Crabb of Ala., Craig of Va., Cr of Tenn.; Cross, of Ark.; Davis and Fornance, of Pa. Graham, of N. C.; Graves and Green, of Ky.; Griffin C.; Habersham, of Ga.; Hawkins, of N. C.; Hill, o Hill, of N. C.; Holleman, of Va.; Holmes, of S. C.; Ho of Va.; Hubbard, of Ala.; Jameson, of Mo.; Jenifer, o Johnson, of Va.; Johnson, of Md.; Jones, of N. Y.; of Va.; Kemble, of N. Y.; Leadbetter, of O.; Lewis, of Lucas, McCarty; of Tenn.; McC of Pa.; McKay, of N. C.; Medill, of O.; Miller, of Montanya, of N. Y.; Montgomery, of N. C.; Nisbet o Parrish, of O.; Parris, of Me.; Petriken, of Pa.; Picke Pope, of Ky.; Prentiss, of N. Y.; Proffit, of Ramsey, of Pa.; Rayner, of N. C.; Reynolds, of III.; of S. C.; Rives, of Va.; Rogers, of S. C.; Samuels, o Shaw, of N. H.; Smith, of Me.; Stanley, of N. C.; rod, of Va.; Strong, of Pa.; Sumter, of S. C.; Sw of O.; Taliafero, of Va.; Taylor, of O.; F. Thomas, of P. F. Thomas, of Md.; Thompson, of S. C.; Thomps Miss.; Triplett, of Ky.; Turney, of Tenn.; Warren, Watterson, of Tenn.; Weller, of O.; White, of Ky.; Wil N. J. L. Williams, of Tenn.; C. H. Williams, of T Williams of Ky., Wise of Va., and Worthington of 114. land, of Va.; Garland, of La.; Gerry, of Pa.; Goggin, ( NAYS.-Messrs. Adams of Mass., Allen of N. Y., All o., Anderson of Me., Anderson of Ky., Baker; Barnard Y., Beatty of Pa.. Bell of Tenn., Biddle of Pa., Bond Brewster of N. Y., Briggs of Mass., Brockaway of ( Brown, of N. Y.; Calhoun, of Ky.; Carr, of Ia.; Cas Ill., Chittenden, Clark of N. H., Clifford of Me., Co of Pa.; Cranston, of R. I.; Crary, of Mich.; Curtis, of! Cushing, of Mass.; Dana, of N. Y.; Davee, of Maine; D of Pa.; Doane, of O.; Davis, of N. Y.; Duncan, of O. wards, of Pa.; Ely of N. Y.; Evans, of Me.; Everett, o Fillmore, of N. Y.; Fletcher, of Vt.; Floyd, of N. Y.; C of N. Y.; Gentry, Tenn.; Giddings and Goode, o Granger, of N. Y.; Grinnell, of N. Y.; Hall, of Vt.; I of N. Y.; Hastings, of Mass.; Hastings, of 0.; Henr Pa.; Hoffman, of N. Y.; Hook, of Pa.; Howard, of Hunt, of N. Y.; Jackson, of N. Y.; James C. Johnston; lory, of N. Y.; Marchand of Pa.; Marvin, of N. Y.; Mason, of 0.; Mitchell, of N. Y.; Monroe, of N. Y.; Morgan, of N. Y.; Morris, of Pa.; Morris, of O.; Naylor, of Pa.; Newhard, of Pa.; Ogle, of Pa.; Osborne, of Conn.; Palen, of N. Y.; Parmenter, of Mass.; Paynter, of Pa.; Peck, of N. Y.; Randall, of Me.; Randolph, of N. J.; Rariden, of Ia.; Reed, of Mass.; Ridgway, of 0.; Rogers, of N. Y.; Russell, of N. Y.. Saltonstall, of Mass.; Sergeant, of Pa.; Simonton, of Pa.; Slade, of Vt.; Smith of Vt., Smith of Conn., Starkweather of O., Storrs of Conn., Stuart of Ill., Tillinghast of R. I., Toland of Pa., Trumbull of Conn., Underwood of Ky., Vanderpoel of N. Y., Wagener of Pa., Wagoner of N. Y., Wick, of la., Williams of N. H., Williams of Conn., and Williams of Mass-108. The 21st rule, as it was called, which read as follows: "No petition, memorial, resolution, or other paper praying the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, or any state or territory, or the slave-trade between the states and the territories of the United States in which it now exists, shall be received by this House, or entertained in any way whatever," was rescinded on the 3d of Dee. 1844, on motion of Mr. J. Quincy Adams, by yeas and nays as follows: YEAS.-Messrs. Abbot, of Mass.; Adams, of Mass.; Anderson, of N. Y.; Baker, of Mass.; Barnard, of N. Y.; Ben ton, of N. Y.; Black, of Pa.; Brinkerhoff, of O.; Brodhead, of Pa.; T. Brown, of Pa.; Buffington of Pa.; Carpenter, of N. Y.; Cary, of N. Y.; Catlin, of Conn.; Clingman, of N. C., Clinton of N. Y., Collamer of Vt., Cranston R. I., Harper, of 0.; Henley, of Is.: Herriok, of Me.; Hubbell, of N. Y., Hudson, of Mass.; Hungerford, of N. Y.; Hunt, of Mich.; J. R. Ingersoll, of Pa.; Irvin, of Pa.; Jencks, of PP. B. Johnson, of 0.; Kennedy, of Ia.; Kennedy, of Md.; King, of Mass.; Kirkpatrick, N. J.; Leonard, of N. Y.; Lyon, of Mich.; McCauslen, of O.; McClelland, of Mich.; McDowell, of 0.; McIlvaine, of Pa.; Marsh, of Vt.; Morris, of Pa.; Morris, of O.; Morse, of Me.; Moxly, of N. Y.; Nes, of Pa.; Owen, of Ia.; Parmenter, of Mass.; Patterson, of N. Y.; Pettit, of la.; Phoenix, of N. Y.; Pollock, of Pa.; Potter, of R. I.; Pratt, of N. Y.; Preston, of Md.; Purdy, of N. Y.; Ramsey, of Pa.; Rathbun, of N. Y.; Ritter, of Pa; Robinson, of N. Y.; Rockwell, of Mass.; Rogers, of N. Y.; St. John, of 0.; Sample, of Ia.; Schenck, of O.; Sever ance, of Me.; Thomas H. Seymour, of Conn.; David L. Seymour, of N. Y.; Albert Smith, of N. Y.; John T. Smith, of Pa.; Thomas Smith, Ia.; Caleb B. Smith, of Ia.; Stetson, of N. Y.; Andrew Stewart, of Pa.; John Stewart, of Conn.; Tyler, of N. Y.; Vance, of O.; Vinton, of 0.; Wentworth, of III.; Wethered, of Md.; Wheaton, of Mass.; John White, of Ky.; Benjamin White, of Me.; Williams, of Mass.: Winthrop of Mass., William Wright of N. Y., Joseph A. Wright of Ia.; and Yost, of Pa--108. 21st rule, but it was rejected by a vote of yeas 84, nays 121. The following is the affirmative vote. YEAS. Messrs. Stephen Adams, of Miss.; Atkinson, of Va.; Barringer, of N. C.; Bayley, of Va.; Bedinger, of Va.; Bell of Ky., James A. Black of S. C., Bowlin of Mo., Boyd of Ky., Milton Brown of Tenn., William G. Brown of Va.; Burt, of S. C.; Cabell, of Fla.; John G. Chapman, of Md.; Augustus A. Chapman, of Va.; Reuben Chapman, of Ala.; Chase, of Tenn.; Chipman, of Mich.; Clarke, of N. C.; Cobb, of Ga.; Cocke, of Tenn.; Constable, of Md.; Cullom, of Tenn.; Daniel, of N. C.; Garrett Davis, of Ky.; Dobbin, of N. C.; Dockery, of N. C.; Douglass, of Ill.; Dromgoole, of Va., Faran, of 0.; Ficklin, of Ill.; Giles, of Md.; Graham, of N. C.; Haralson, of Ga.; Harmanson, of La.; of Ala.; Hoge, of III.; Isaac E. Holmes, of S. C.; Hopkins, of Va.; George S. Houston, of Ala.; E, W. Hubard, of Va.; Hunter, of Va.; Charles J. Ingersoll, of Pa.; Joseph Johnson, of Va.; Andrew Johnson, of Tenn.; George Jones, of Tenn.; Seaborn Jones, of Ga.; Thomas B. King, of Ga. Leake, of Va.; Ligon, of Md.; Long, of Md.; Lumpkin, of Ga.; McClean, of Pa.; McClernand, of III.; McConnell, of Ala.; McHenry, of Ky.; McKay, of N. C.; John P. Martin, of Ky.; Barclay Martin, of Tenn.; Norris, of N. H.; Payne, of Ala.; Pendleton, of Va.; Perry, of Md.; Price, of Mo. Reid, of N. C.; Relfe, of Mo.; Rhett, of S. C.; Seddon, of Va.; A. D. Sims, of S. C.; L. H. Simms, of Mo.; Simpson, of S. C.; Robert Smith, of Ill.; Stanton, of Tenu.; Stephens, of Ga. Taylor of Va., Jacob Thompson of Miss., Toombs, of Ga., Tibbatts of Ký., Treadway of Va., Trumbo of Ky., Wilmot of Pa., Woodward of S. C., Yancey of Ala., Yell of Ark.-84. The following Southern Representatives voted in the negative, Messrs. Crozier and Gentry of Tenn., Grider, Young, and Thomasson of Ky., Houston of Del., Thibodeaux of Lalong The following is the affirmative vote in the House on the 11th of Dec. 1845, in laying on the table an abolition petition, presented by Mr. Culver of N. Y., praying the abolition of slavery, and the slave-trade in the District of Columbia. YEAS.-Messrs. S. Adams, of Miss.; Atkinson, of Va.; Barringer, of N. C.; Bayley, of Va.; Bedinger, of Va.; Biggs, of N. C.; James Black, of Pa.; James A. Black, of S. O.; Boyd, of Ky.; Brodhead, of Pa.; William G. Brown, of Va.; Burt, of S. C.; John H. Campbell, of Pa.; Augustus A. Chapman, of Va.; R. Chapman, of Ala; Chipman, of Mich.; Clarke, of N. C.; Cocke, of Tenn.; Crozier, of Tenn.; Cullom, of Tenn.; Cunningham, of O.; Daniel, of N. C.; G. Davis, of Ky.; Dockery, of N. C.; Douglass, of Ill.; Edsall of N. J.; Erdman, of Pa.; Faran, of O.; Foster, of Pa.; Gentry, of Tenn.; Giles, of Md.; Goodyear, of N. Y.; Graham, of N. C.; Grider, of Ky.; Haralson, of Ga.; Harmanson, of La.; Henley, of Ind.; Hilliard, of Ala.; Hoge, of III.; Hopkins, of Vai; John W. Houston, of Del.; G. S. Houston, of Ala., Hungerford, of N. Y.; Hunter, of Va.; Charles J. Ingersoll, of Pa.; J. H. Johnson, of N. H.; J. Johnson, of Va.; Andrew John son of Tenn., George W. Jones of Tenn., Seaborn Jones of Ga., Kennedy of Ind., T. B. King of Ga., Lawrence of N. Y., Leake of Va., Levin of Penn., Ligon of Md., Lumpkin of Ga.., Maclay of N. Y., McClean of Pa., McCrate of Me., McHenry of Ky., John P. Martin of Ky., Barclay Martin of Tenn., Miller of N. Y., Morse of Louisiana, Moulton of N. H., Nor ris of N. H., Owen of Ind., Parish of O., Payne of Ala., Pendleton of Va., Perrill of O., Perry of Md., Petit of Ind., Price of Mo., Rathbun of N. Y., Reid of N. C., Relfe of Mo., Ritter of Pa., Roberts of Miss., Sawyer of O., Scammon of Me., Seddon of Va., A. D. Sims of S. C., L. H. Simms of Mo., Simpson of S. C., Robert Smith of Ill., Stanton of Tenn., Stephens of Ga., Thibodeaux of La., James Thompson of Pa., Jacob Thompson of Miss., Thurman of O., Tibbats of Ky.. Toombs of Ga., Treadway of Va., Trumbo of Ky., Wentworth of Ill., Wick of Ind., Wilmot of Pa., Woodruff of N. Y., Woodward of S. C., Woodworth of N. J., Yancey of Ala., Yell of Ark., Young of Ky., and Yost of Pa.-1082914 On the 25th of February, 1850, Mr. Giddings of Ohio, in the House of Representatives, NAYS.-Messrs. Arrington, of N. C.; Ashe, of Tenn.; At kinson, of Va.; Baily, of Va.; Barringer, of N. C.; Bidlack, of Pa.; Edward J. Black, of Ga.; James A. Black, of S. C.; Blackwell, of Tenn.; Bowlin, of Mo.; Boyd, of Ky.; Milton Brown, of Tenn.; William J. Brown, of Ia.; Burke, of N. H.; Burt, of S. C.; Caldwell, of Ky.; Causin, of Md.; Reuben Chapman, of Ala.; Augustus A. Chapman, of Va.; Chilton, of Va., Cobb of Ga., Daniel of N. C., Garrett Davis of Ky, John W. Davis, of la.; Dawson, of La.; Deberry, of N. C.; Dellett, of Ala.; Dromgoole, of Va.; Ficklin, of Ill.; French, of Tenn.; Goggin, of Va.; Grider, of Ky.; Haralson, of Ga.; Holmes, of S. C.; Hoge, of III.; Hopkins, of Va.; Houston, of Ala.; Hubard, of Va.; Hughes, of Mo.; Charles J. Inger soll, of Pa.; Jameson, of Mo.; Cave Johnson, of Tenn.; Andrew Johnson, of Tenn.; George W. Jones, of Tenn.; Pres ton King, of N. Y.; Labranche, of La; Lucas, of Va.; Lumpkin, of Ga.; McClernand, of III.; McConnell, of Ala.; McKay, of N. C.; Mathews, of O.; Isaac E. Morse, of La.; Murphy, of N. Y.; Newton, of Va.; Norris, of N. H.; Payne, of Ala.; Peyton, of Tenn.; David S. Reid, of N. C.; Reding, of N. H.; Relfe, of Mo.; Rhett, of S. C.; Rodney, of Del.; Saunders, of N. Y.; Senter, of Tenn.; Simpson, of S. C.; presented two petitions, one from Isaac JefSlidell, of La.; Robert Smith, of Illinois; Steenrod, of Va.; Stephens, of Ga.; Stiles, of Ga.; James W. Stone, of Ky.; fries and other citizens of Penna., and the Alfred P. Stone, of 0.; Taylor, of Va.; Thomasson, of Ky.; other from John T. Woodward and other citiThompson, of Miss; Tibbutts, of Tenn.; Weller, of O.; 1 Woodward, of S. C.; and Yancey, of Ala-80.zens of Del. and Pa. They were as follows: ness, the Christian religion teaches us to be- | men would, they would do things which would lieve, and the political creed of America fully coincides with the position. "Your memorialists, particularly engaged in attending to the distresses arising from slavery, believe it to be their indispensable duty to present this subject to your notice. They have observed, with real satisfaction, that many important and salutary powers are vested in you, for 'promoting the welfare and securing the blessings of liberty to the people of the United States; and, as they conceive that these blessings ought rightfully to be administered without distinction of color to all descriptions of people, so they indulge themselves in the pleasing expectation that nothing which can be done for the relief of the unhappy objects of their care will be either omitted or delayed. a "From a persuasion that equal liberty was originally the portion and is still the birthright of all men, and influenced by the strong ties of humanity, and the principles of their institutions, your memorialists conceive themselves bound to use all justifiable endeavors to loosen the bonds of slavery, and promote general enjoyment of the blessings of freedom. "Under these impressions, they earnestly entreat your serious attention to the subject of slavery; that you will be pleased to countenance the restoration of liberty to those unhappy men, who alone in this land of freedom are degraded into perpetual bondage, and who, amidst the general joy of surrounding freemen, are groaning in servile subjection; that you will devise means for removing this in consistency from the character of the American people; that you will promote mercy and justice towards this distressed race; and that you will step to the very verge of the power vested in you, for discouraging every species of traffic in the persons of our fellow-men. BENJ. FRANKLIN, President. "Philadelphia, February 3, 1790." The debate was resumed on the memorial of the Friends presented the day before. incur punishment, and cause their owners to use a severity with them they were not accustomed to. Mr. Smith of S. C., amongst other things said, that the states would have never entered into the confederacy unless their property had been guarantied to them, for such is the state of agriculture in that country, that without slaves it must be abandoned. Why will these people then make use of arguments to induce the slave to turn his hand against his master? A gentleman can hardly come from that country with a servant or two, either to this place or Philadelphia, but there are persons trying to seduce his servants to leave him, and when they have done this, the poor wretches are obliged to rob their master, in order to obtain their subsistence; all, therefore, who are concerned in this seduction are accessories to the robbery. ** We look upon this measure as an attack upon the palladium of the property of our country; it is, therefore, our duty to oppose it by every means in our power. Mr. Page of Va., said he lived in a state which had the misfortune of having in her bosom a great number of slaves; he held many of them himself, and was as much interested in the business as any gentleman. If he was to hold them in eternal bondage, he would feel no uneasiness on account of the present menace, because he would rely upon the virtue of Congress that they would not exercise any unconstitutional authority. After a long debate, the memorial was com mitted, by a vote of yeas 43, nays 11. The nays were, Messrs. Baldwin, Jackson, and Matthews of Ga.; Bland and Coles of Va.; Burke, Hager, Smith, and Tucker of S. C.; Stone of Md.; and Sylvester of N. Y. The other memorials were in like manner referred. The committee to whom the memorials were referred, made a report, which was referred to the committee of the whole House, which amended the report of the select committee, and resolved, amongst other things: Mr. Tucker of S. C., was sorry it had had a second reading, as it contained an unconstitutional request, for which he wished it thrown aside. He feared the commitment of it would be a very alarming circumstance to the South- treatment of them within any of the states; V. That, to the persevering and importu-in limited quantities, free of cost, to land ern States, for if it was to engage Congress in an unconstitutional measure, it would be considered an interference with their rights, making them uneasy under the government, and causing them to lament that they had ever put additional power into their hands. He was surprised to see another memorial on the same subject, signed by a man who ought to have known the constitution better. He thought it a mischievous attempt as it respected the persons in whose favor it was intended. It would buoy them up with hopes without a foundation, and as they could not reason on the subject, as more enlightened * Benjamin Franklin. "That Congress have no authority to interfere in the emancipation of slaves, or in the it remaining with the several states alone to provide any regulations therein which humanity and true policy may require." On the 26th of Nov., 1792, a memorial of Warner Mifflin, one of the people called Quakers, was presented and read to the House, stating certain reflections for the consideration of Congress, and in relation to the African slave-trade, and to the humane treatment of slaves in the United Sates. It was ordered that the said memorial and representation do lie on the table. nate demands of the slave power for more slave states, new slave territories, and the nationalization of slavery, our distinct and final answer is no more slave states, no slave territory, no nationalized slavery, and no national legislation for the extradition of slaves. VI. That slavery is a sin against God, and a crime against man, which no human enactment nor usage can make right; and that Christianity, humanity, and patriotism alike demand its abolition. less settlers. XIII. That a due regard for the Federal Constitution, and sound administrative policy, demand that the funds of the general government be kept separate from banking institutions; that inland and ocean postage should be reduced to the lowest possible point; that no more revenue should be raised than is required to defray the strictly necessary expenses of the public service, and to pay off the public debt; and that the power and patron VII. That the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 age of the government should be diminished is repugnant to the Constitution, to the prin- by the abolition of all unnecessary offices, ciples of the common law, to the spirit of salaries, and privileges, and by the election, Christianity, and to the sentiments of the civil- by the people, of all civil officers in the serized world. We therefore deny its binding vice of the United States, so far as may be conforce upon the American people, and demand its immediate and total repeal. VIII. That the doctrine that any human law is a finality, and not subject to modification or repeal, is not in accordance with the creed of the founders of our government, and is dangerous to the liberties of the people. sistent with the prompt and efficient transac the public business. XIV. That river and harbor improvements, when necessary to the safety and convenience of commerce with foreign nations, or among the several states, are objects of national concern; and it is the duty of Congress, in the exercise of its constitutional powers, to provide for the same. IX. That the acts of Congress, known as the Compromise Measures of 1850, by making the admission of a sovereign state contingent upon the adoption of other measures demanded by the special interest of slavery; by their omission to guaranty freedom in free territories; by their attempt to impose unconstitutional limitations on the power of Congress inflexible determination. XV. That emigrants and exiles from the Old World should find a cordial welcome to and the people to admit new states; by their provisions for the assumption of five millions of the state debt of Texas, and for the payment of five millions more, and the cession of a large territory to the same state under menace, as an inducement to the relinquishment of a groundless claim, and by their invasion of the sovereignty of the states and the liberties of the people through the enactment of an unjust, oppressive and unconstitutional Fugitive Slave Law, are proved to be inconsistent with all the principles and maxims of Democracy, and wholly inadequate to the settlement of the questions of which they are claimed to be an adjustment. X. That no permanent settlement of the slavery question can be looked for, except in the practical recognition of the truth, that slavery is sectional, and freedom national; by the total separation of the general government from slavery, and the exercise of its legitimate and constitutional influence on the side of freedom; and by leaving to the states the whole subject of slavery and the extradition of fugitives from service. XI. That all men have a natural right to a portion of the soil; and that, as the use of the soil is indispensable to life, the right of all men to the soil is as sacred as their right to life itself. XII. That the public lands of the United States belong to the people, and should not be sold to individuals nor granted to corporations, but should be held as a sacred trust for the benefit of the people, and should be granted homes of comfort and fields of enterprise in the New; and every attempt to abridge their privilege of becoming citizens and owners of the soil among us, ought to be resisted with XVI. That every nation has a clear right to alter or change its own government, and to administer its own concerns in such manner as may best secure the rights and promote the happiness of the people; and foreign interference with that right is a dangerous violation of the law of nations, against which all independent governments should protest, and endeavor by all proper means to prevent; and especially is it the duty of the American government, representing the chief republic of the world, to protest against, and by all proper means to prevent the intervention of kings and emperors against nations seeking to establish for themselves republican or constitutional governments. XVII. That the independence of Hayti ought to be recognised by our government, and our commercial relations with it placed on the footing of the most favored nations. XVIII. That as, by the Constitution, "the citizens of each state shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens of the several states," the practice of imprisoning colored seamen of other states, while the vessels to which they belong lie in port, and refusing to exercise the right to bring such cases before the Supreme Court of the United States, to test the legality of such proceedings, is a flagrant violation of the Constitution, and an invasion of the rights of the citizens of other states, utterly inconsistent with the profescions made by the slaveholders, that they wish the provisions of the Constitution faithfully observed by every state in the Union. |