from the select committee, reported that the facts referred to in the petition were exclusively of judicial cognisance; that therefore it is not competent for the Legislature to do any thing in the business, and recommend that the memorialists have leave to withdraw their memorial. On the 14th of Feb., 1798, the House concurred in the report of the committee. The same petition was presented in the Senate, but withdrawn. In the Senate, on the 21st of Jan., 1805, Mr. Logan of Pa., presented the memorial of the representatives of the Quakers, pleading the cause of their oppressed and degraded fellow men of the African race, and praying that Congress may adopt effectual measures to prevent the introduction of slavery into the territories of the United States. On the question shall the petition be received, it was decided in the affirmative. YEAS.-Messrs. Adams of Mass., Bayard of Del., Brown of Ky., Condit of N. J., Franklin of N. C., Hillhouse of Conn., Howland of R. I., Logan of Pa., Maclay of Pa., Mitchill of N. Y., Olcott of N. H., Pickering of Mass., Plumer of N. H., Smith of O., Smith of Vt., Stone of N. C., Sumter of S. C., White of Del., and Worthington of 0.-19. NAYS.-Messrs. Anderson of Tenn., Baldwin of Geo., Bradley of Vt., Cocke of Tenn., Jackson of Geo., Moore of Va., Smith of Md., Smith of N. Y., and Wright of Md.-9. A like memorial was presented in the House on the same day, and referred. During the month of January, 1817, several petitions were presented against the slavetrade between the middle and southern states, which were read and referred. During the first session of the 16th Congress, sundry petitions were presented against the introduction of slavery into any state thereafter to be admitted, some of which were referred and others merely read. On the 12th of February, 1827, Mr. Barney of Md., presented to the House a memorial of certain citizens of Baltimore, Md., praying that a law may be passed providing that all children hereafter born of parents held to slavery, within the District of Columbia, shall be free at a certain age, and moved that it be printed. Mr. McDuffie of S. C., opposed the printing of the memorial. Mr. Cook of Ill., moved to lay it on the table; which motion the chair pronounced to be out of order. Mr. Powell of Va., opposed the printing. Mr. Barney had made the motion to print, because the memorialists had requested him to do so. He was perfectly content to acquiesce in the decision of the House. breathed the general spirit of emancipat and though its request began with the Dist its ulterior purpose went much further. opposed the printing. The motion to print was negatived b large majority. On the 12th of December, 1831, Mr. J Quincy Adams presented fifteen petitions f numerous inhabitants of Pennsylvania, p ing the abolition of slavery in the Distric Columbia, and the abolition of the slave-tr therein. So far as the latter desire was corned, he thought it a proper subject of le lation by Congress, and that the petitions that account should be referred to the c mittee on the District of Columbia. As to other prayer of the petition, the abolition slavery in the District of Columbia, he deer it his duty to say that he would not suppor Whatever his opinion of slavery in the stract, or of slavery in the District of Col bia might be, he hoped the subject would be discussed in the House. He would that the most salutary medicine unduly ministered, was the most deadly poison. The petition was referred to the commi on the District of Columbia. Mr. Doddridge, of Va., from the said c mittee, on the 19th of Dec. made a report, ing to be discharged from the further c sideration of so much of said petitions asked the abolition of slavery in the Dist of Columbia. In the Senate, January 7, 1836, Mr. M ris of Ohio, presented several petitions f citizens of Ohio, one of which was signed ladies, praying the abolition of slavery in District of Columbia, and moved to refer th to the committee on the District of Colum Mr. Calhoun asked that the question sho first be taken on receiving the petition. demanded it on the part of the state he re sented, because one-half the Union was dee slandered in these petitions. The Senate refused to receive petitions, because they plicated members of that body. Were the put more reprobation on the slander of an dividual member, than on the slander sovereign states? He demanded the question, because th memorials aimed at a violation of the con tution, and because he was averse to an ag tion which would sunder the Union. It agitation here that they feared, because would compel the southern press to dise the question in the very presence of the sla who were induced to believe that there wa powerful party at the north, ready to as them. As a lover of the Union he objected receiving them, nay, they must cease or Mr. Dorsey of Md., conceived the memorial | southern people never can be satisfied. A 1 how will you put a stop to them? By receiv- | which these memorials are now presented? ing these petitions and laying them on the A number of fanatics, led on by foreign intable? No, no! The Abolitionists understood cendiaries, have been scattering 'arrows, fire this too well? Nothing would stop them but a stern refusal, by closing the doors to them, and refusing to receive them. Mr. Morris of Ohio, contended, that the petitions contemplated no legislation by Congress, not within its constitutional power, exclusive legislation being, in his opinion, vested in Congress, both as to persons and things within the District of Columbia. In this view of the case he contended for the reception of the petition, and warned the Senate to be careful how it tread on this ground, lest, in its attempts to make petitions palatable, it does not abridge the sacred right of petition. Mr. Porter of La., opposed the reception of the petition. Mr. Buchanan had had in his possession several weeks a memorial from a meeting of Quakers, making the same prayer, which he brands, and death' throughout the southern states; the natural tendency of their publications is to produce dissatisfaction and revolt among the slaves, and to incite their wild passions to vengeance. All history, as well as the present condition of the slaves, proves that there can be no danger of a servile war, but in the mean time what dreadful scenes may be enacted before such an insurrection, which would spare neither age nor sex, could be suppressed; what agony of mind must be suffered, especially by the gentler sex, in consequence of these publications? Many a mother clasps her infant to her bosom when she retires to rest, under dreadful apprehensions that she may be aroused from her slumbers by the savage yells of the slaves by whom she is surrounded. These are the works of the abolitionists. That their motives may be honest I do not doubt, but their zeal is without know had deferred presenting, because he believed ledge. The history of the human race prethat, by private consultations, some resolution sents numerous examples of ignorant enthumight be devised upon this exciting subject, siasts, the purity of whose intentions cannot which would obtain the unanimous sanction be doubted, who have spread devastation and of the Senate. He felt it, however, to be due bloodshed over the face of the earth." * * * * * to the memorialists, himself, and the Senate, If any one principle of constitutional law can at this day be considered as settled, it is that Congress had no right, no power, over the question of slavery in those states where it exists. The property of the master in his slave existed in full force before the federal constitution was adopted. It was a subject that then belonged, as it still belongs, to the exists, what is now asked by these memorialists? That in this district of ten miles square, a district carved out of two slaveholding states, and surrounded by them on all sides slavery should be abolished. What would be the effects of granting their request? You would thus erect a citadel in the very heart of these states, upon a territory which they have ceded to you for a far different purpose, from which abolitionists and incendiaries could exclusive jurisdiction of the Southern States. securely attack the peace and safety of their These states, by the adoption of the constitu- citizens; you establish a spot within the slavetion, never yielded to the general government holding states which would be a city of refuge any right to interfere with the question. It for runaway slaves; you create, remains where it was previous to the establish ment of our confederacy.. The constitution has in the clearest terms recognised the right of property in slaves. It prohibits any state into which a slave may have fled, from passing any law to discharge him from slavery, and declares that he shall be delivered up by the authorities of such state to his master; nay, more, it makes the existence of slavery the foundation of political power, by giving to those states within which it exists representatives in Congress, not only in proportion to the whole number of free persons, but also in proportion to three-fifths of the number of slaves. 1 After showing that Congress, on the 23d day of March, 1790, had so determined, and that the Union would be dissolved at the moment an effort would be seriously made by the free states in Congress to pass such laws, he continued: a central point from which trains of gunpowder may be securely laid, extending into the surrounding states, which may at any moment produce a destructive and fearful explosion. By passing such a law you introduce the enemy into the very bosom of these two states, and afford them every opportunity of producing a servile insurrection. 'Is there any reasonable man who can for one moment suppose that Virginia and Maryland would have ceded the District of Columbia to the United States, if they had entertained the slightest idea that Congress would have used it for any such purpose? They ceded it for your use, for your convenience, and not for their own destruction. When slavery ceases to exist under the laws of Virginia and Maryland, then, and not till then, ought it to be abolished in the District of Columbia." Mr. Buchanan continuing said, notwithstanding these were his views, he could not vote against receiving these memorials, but moved that the whole subject be postponed "What, then, are the circumstances under until Monday next. Mr. Benton concurred in the views of Mr. Buchanan. Mr. Tyler of Va., advocated their reference to the committee on the District of Columbia, in order that a report from that committee might be made which would dispose of the subject. Mr. Brown of N. C., advocated laying them cn the table without printing. Mr. Leigh of Va., advocated a distinct expression of opinion by Congress as to its constitutional power over the question. Mr. Preston of S. C., thanked the Senator from Pennsylvania (Mr. Buchanan) for the reprobation he had given the petition here presented. Messrs. Calhoun and Brown continued the discussion, and the subject was postponed. On the 11th of January, Mr, Buchanan presented the petition from the Quakers, which he had alluded to in his speech as having been in his possession for some time. He moved that it be read and its prayer rejected. Mr. Calhoun demanded a vote on the reception of the petition. During the pendency of the long debate on these petitions, Mr. Swift of Vt., on the 28th of January, 1836, presented another petition to the same effect from citizens of Vermont, which he requested might be read. The petition was read, when Mr. Calhoun demanded the preliminary question upon its reception. The question was laid on the table on motion of Mr. Buchanan, to be called up again when the Senate was prepared to make a final disposition of it. On the 9th of March, 1836, the question again came up on the motion to receive the petition presented by Mr. Buchanan. Mr. Calhoun spoke at length against receiving the memorial. Mr. Clay of Ky., did not agree with Mr. Calhoun as to the right of Congress to refuse the reception of a petition. The right of petition carried with it the right of being heard on any subject that the body addressed had the power to act on. As to tion be received, and it was decided in affirmative by yeas and nays as follows: YEAS. Messrs. Benton of Mo., Brown of N. C., Buc of Pa., Clay of Ky., Clayton of Del., Crittenden of Davis of Mass., Ewing of O., Ewing of II., Goldsbe Md., Grundy Tenn. Hendricks of Ind., Hill of Hubbard of N. H., Kent of Md., King of Ala., Ki Geo., Knight of R. I., Linn of Mo., McKean of Pa., of Ohio, Naudain of Del., Niles of Conn., Prentiss o Robbins of R. I., Robinson of Ill., Ruggles of Me.. ley of Me., Southard of N. J., Swift of Vt., Talmas N. Y., Tipton of Ind., Tomlinson of Conn., Wall of Webster of Mass., and Wright of N. Y.-36. NAYS. Messrs. Black of Miss., Calhoun of S. C., bert of Geo., Leigh of Va., Moore of Ala., Nicholas o Porter of La., Preston of S. C., Walker of Miss., and of Tenn.-10. On the 11th of March, 1836, the ques was taken on the motion of Mr. Bucha that the prayer of the memorial be rejec and it was decided in the affirmative, 34, nays 6. Every Senator who voted on above vote was present, except Messrs. houn, Clayton, Kent, Moore, Naudain, Southard. Every Senator present voted on Mr. Buchanan's motion, except Mes Davis, Hendricks, Knight, Prentiss, Sv and Webster. The large number of petitions, &c., pray the abolition of slavery in the district, wł were presented to the House during the f session of 24th Congress, gave rise to a vari of resolutions, motions, &c., with referenc the power of Congress over the subject, a the proper disposition which should be m of these petitions. Finally, on the 8th F ruary, 1836, Mr. H. L. Pinckney, of S. obtained a suspension of the rules to ena him to introduce the following resolution: "Resolved, That all the memorials wh have been offered or may hereafter ber sented to this House, praying for the abolit of slavery in the District of Columbia, a also the resolutions offered by an honora member from Maine (Mr. Jarvis) with 1 amendment thereto proposed by an honoral member from Virginia, (Mr. Wise,) and eve other paper or proposition that may be su mitted in relation to that subject, be referi to a select committee with instructions to port, that Congress possesses no constitutior the right of Congress authority to interfere in any way with t to abolish slavery in the District of Colum- institutions of slavery in any of the states bia, he was inclined to think, and candor this confederacy; and that, in the opinion required the avowal, that the right did exist, this House, Congress ought not to interfere though he was opposed to the expediency any way with slavery in the District of ( of exercising that power. He was opposed to lumbia, because it would be a violation of t the motion of Mr. Buchanan to receive and public faith, unwise, impolitic, and dangero immediately reject the petition. He did not to the Union, assigning such reasons for the think it a safe, substantial, and efficient enjoy- conclusions, as in the judgment of the co ment of the right of petition, to reject it with mittee, may be best calculated to enlight out its passing through the usual forms. That the public mind, to repress agitation, to all right he thought required of them to examine, deliberate, and decide, either to grant or refuse the prayer of a petitioner, giving the reasons for such decision, &c., &c. excitement, to sustain and preserve the ju rights of the slaveholding states, and of t people of this district, and to re-establish ha mony and tranquillity among the various se The question was then taken, Shall the petitions of the Union." The resolution having been adopted, the fol- | Lincoln, of Mass.; Mason, of O.; McCarty, of Ind.: McKen lowing gentlemen were appointed the committee:-Messrs. Pinckney, of S. C., Hamer, of Ohio, Pierce, of N. H., Hardin, of Ky., Jarvis, of Me., Owens, of Ga., Dromgoole, of Va., and Turrill, of N. Y. On the 18th of May, 1836, Mr. Pinckney presented a unanimous report from the said committee, concluding with the following resolutions: "Resolved, That Congress possesses no constitutional authority to interfere in any way with the institution of slavery in any of the states of this confederacy. "Resolved, That Congress ought not to interfere in any way with slavery in the District of Columbia. nan, of Pa.; Morris, of Pa.; Parker, of N. J.; Phillips, of Mass.; Potts, of Pa.; Reed, of Mass.; Russell, of N. Y.; Slade, of Vt.; The third resolution was carried by a vote of 117 yeas to 68 nays. Every member who voted No on the last vote did so on this, with the exception of Messrs. Harrison, Kilgore, Lee and Parker. Messrs. Harrison and Parker did not vote at all on this vote. Messrs. Kilgore and Lee voted Aye. In addition to the negative vote as above stated, Messrs. Beaumont and A. Buchanan, of Pa., Corwin and Crane, of Ohio, Garland, nd, of Va., Va., Glascock, of Ga., Granger, of N. Y., Haley, of Conn., Harper, of Pa., Holsey, of Ga., Howell, of Ohio, Judson, of Conn., Jones, of Va., Laporte, of Pa., Love, of N. Y., Patton, of Va., Pearce, of R. I., Pickens, of S. C., Schenck, of N. J., Shinn, of N. J., Steele, of Md., Storer, of Ohio, Thompson, of Ohio, Wardwell, of N. Y., and on Webster, of Ohio, voted No the third "And whereas it is extremely important and desirable that the agitation of this subject should be finally arrested for the purpose of restoring tranquillity to the public mind, your committee respectfully recommend resolution. the adoption of the following resolution: of laying the question of variably pursued In the Senate during the second session of "Resolved, That all petitions, memorials, the Twenty-Fifth Congress, the plan was inresolutions, propositions, or relating in any way or to any extent whatever, to the subject of slavery or the abolition of slavery, shall, without being either printed or referred, be laid upon the table, and that no further action whatever shall be had thereon." Mr. Hardin, of Ky., a member of the committee, deemed it necessary to say, as the report had been called a unanimous one, that he had attended none of the meetings of the committee, and there was a part of the report from which he entirely dissented; to wit, that the abolitionists were few. He believed there were a great many, and that the report had been got up to suppress that fact. Messrs. Wise and Bouldin, of Va., Thompson, of S. C., and others, assailed the report. Messrs. Pinckney, of S. C., Howard, of Md., and others, defended it. On the 25th of May, 1836, the first resolution was adopted by a vote of yeas 182, nays 9. The negative vote being Messrs. J. Quincy Adams, Clark, of Pa., Denny, of Pa., Everett, of Vt., Jackson, of Mass., Janes, of Vt., Phillips, of Mass., Potts, of Pa., and Slade, of Vt. Messrs. Glascock, of Ga., Pickens, of S. C., and Robertson, of Va., asked to be excused from voting and did not vote. Mr. Wise, of Va., and Thompson, of S. C., refused to vote The second resolution was then adopted, yeas 132, nays 45. on the question. The negative vote was as follows: Messrs. Allen, of Vt.; Bailey, of Me.; Bond, of 0.; Bordon, of Mass.; Briggs, of Mass.; Calhoun, of Mass.; Carr, of Ind.; Chambers, of Pa.; Childs, of N. Y.; Clark, of Pa.; Cushing, Grennell, of Mass.; Hall, of vt., Hard, of N. Y. Harrison, At this session Mr. Calhoun introduced his celebrated resolutions, induced by the abolition petitions which were being flocked in upon Congress. These resolutions will be found at their appropriate place in this book, under the caption of Mr. Calhoun's name. In the House, at this session, the excitement produced by abolition petitions, &c., was intense. A better description of that excitement, and the action to which it brought the House, cannot be better written than that from the pen of Col. Benton in his valuable historical narrative of his time in the Senate. I give a synopsis of Col. Benton's description of the scene in the House, on the 20th of December, 1837, during the proceedings on the motion of Mr. Slade, of Vermont, to refer two memorials, praying the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, to a select committee. "The immediate occasion of this contest," says Col. Benton, was the pertinacious effort of Mr. Slade, of Vermont, to make the presentation of abolition petitions the ground of agitation and action against the institution of slavery in the Southern States. Mr. Slade had moved to refer the resolutions presented by him to a select committee, with instructions to report upon them. Upon making this motion, he commenced a violent assault upon the institution of slavery. Mr. Rhett, of South Carolina, interposed to warn him of the consequences of such an inflammatory haraugue. Denny, of Pa.; Everett, of Vt,; Fuller, of N. Y.; of Pa.; Hazeltine, of N. Y.; Henderson, of Pa; Heister, of Mr. Slade refused to desist, and was interPa.; Hoar, of Mass.; Hunt, of N. Y.; J. R. Ingersoll, of Pa.; rupted by a motion, made by Mr. Dawson, of of O.; Lane, of Ind.; Lawrence, of Mass.; Josh. Lee, of N. Y.; Georgia, for an adjournment. The Speaker W. Jackson, of Mass.; of Vt.; Jones, of 0.; Kilgore, 1 1 : 12 [an upright and impartial southern man] ruled | Speaker that he had not yielded the floor this motion out of order. "Mr. Slade was proceeding to discuss the question, "What was slavery?' Mr. Dawson again asked him to give way for an adjournment, which was refused. A visible commotion began to pervade the house-members rising, clustering together, and talking with his progress was interrupted by the cond of the House, and the exclamations of r bers. Amongst them Mr. Holsey, of Geo heard calling the delegates from State to withdraw with him; whilst Mr. H was heard proclaiming that the members South Carolina had already consulted toge was on animation. Mr. Slade continued, and was and appointed a meeting at three o'cloc about reading a judicial opinion of one of the the committee-room of the District of Co southern States, defining a slave to be a chat- bia. Here the Speaker succeeded in ge tel, when Mr. Wise called him to order for the floor, and stating the question to b irrelevancy. The question being upon the abolition of slavery in the District, and the argument upon the legality of slave title in a State.' The Speaker decided that it was not in order to discuss the subject of slavery in the States. Mr. Slade contended that he read the decision as he might have done that of an English court. Mr. Robinson, of Virginia, moved an adjournment. The Speaker decided the motion out of order, and Mr. Slade refused to yield the floor, and continued his speech. Mr. Slade proceeded at great length, when Mr. Petrikin, of Pennsylvania, called him to order. The chair did not sustain the call. Mr. Slade went on quoting from the Declaration of Independence and the constitutions of the several States, and had got to that of Virginia, when Mr. Wise called him to order for reading papers without the leave of the house. The speaker then said that no paper objected to could be read without leave of the house. ""Mr. Wise then said that the gentleman "Mr. Slade explained, and argued in vindi- * See page 5-6. granting leave to the member from Ver "Mr. Rhett succeeded in raising his above the roar of the tempest which rage the House, and invited the entire delega from all the slave States to retire from the forthwith, and meet in the committee-roo the District of Columbia.' "The Speaker rose to a personal expl "Mr. Slade continuing, said the pape 'would be in order to f son inquired ed if if it a Then Mr. McKay, of North C man clear, cool-headed, sagacious lina, terposed the objection that headed Mr. Sla The rule of the House required that wh member was called to order, he should his seat; and, if decided to be out of or he should not be allowed to speak again v out the leave of the House. Mr. McKay st the point of order, and said that he now jected to Mr. Slade's proceeding. 'Re bled noise and confusion ensued a crow members rising and speaking at once, the last yielded to the noise of the Speaker's mer, and his apparent desire to read somet from a book-recognised to be the Manu which he held in his hand, he at last succee in reporting the rule referred to by Mr. Kay, and sustaining his motion. Mr. S endeavored to proceed. The Speaker dire him to take his seat until the question of 1 should be put. Then Mr. Slade-still keep on his feet-asked leave to proceed in or On that question Mr. Allen, of Vermont, as the ayes and nays. Mr. Rencher, of N Carolina, moved an adjournment. Mr. Ad and others demanded the ayes and noes this motion. They were called, and resu 106 ayes, 63 noes-some fifty or sixty m bers having withdrawn." The vote against adjournment follows: |