Messrs. John Quincy Adams; Alexander of O.; Allen, of of Pallonders of N. J.; Bell, of Tenn: Biddle, Pa.; of 0.; Mass.; Briggs, of houn, of Mass.; Coffin, of 0.; Cranston, of R. I.; Curtis, of N. Y.; Cushing, of Mass.: Darlington, of Pa.: Davies, of Pa.; Dunn, of Ind.; Evans, of Me.; Everett, of Vt.; Ewing, of Ind.; Fletcher, of Vt.; Fillmore, of N. Y.; Goode, of 0.; Grennell, of Mass.; Haley, of Conn.; Hall, of Vt.; Hastings, of Mass.; Henry, of Pa.; Herod, of Ind.; Hoffman, of N. Y.; Lincoln, of Mass.; Marvin, of N. Y.; Mason, of O.; Maxwell, of N. J.; McKennan, of Pa.; Milligan, of Del.; M. Morris, of Pa.; C. Morris, of 0.; Naylor, of Pa.; Noyes, of Me.; Ogle, of Pa.; Parmenter, of Mass.; Patterson, of N. Y.; Peck, of N. Y.; Phillips, of Mass.; Potts, of Pa.; Potter, of Pa.; Rariden, of Ind.; Randolph, of N. J., Reed, of Mass.; Ridgway, of O.; Russell, of N. Y.; Sheffer, of Pa.; Sibley, of N. Y.; Slade, of Vt.: Stratton, of N. J.; Tillinghast, of R. I.; Toland, of Pa.; White, of Ind.; White, of Ky.; Whittlesey, of 0.-63. "This opposition to adjournment," says the historian, "was one of the worst features in this unhappy day's work-the only effect of keeping the house together being to increase irritation, and multiply the chances of an outbreak. From the beginning Southern members had voted to adjourn, but were prevented from succeeding by the tenacity with which Mr. Slade kept possession of the floor; and now, at last, when it was time to adjourn any way "But extreme counsels did not prevail. There were members present who well considered that although the provocation was great and the number voting for such a firebrand motion was deplorably large, yet it was but little more than the one-fourth of the House, and decidedly less than one-half of the members from the free States: so that, even if left to the free State vote alone, the motion would have been rejected. But the motion itself, and the manner in which it was supported, was most reprehensible-necessarily leading to disorder in the House, the destruction of its harmony and capacity for useful legislation, tending to a sectional segregation of the members, the alienation of feeling between the North and the South, and alarm to all the slaveholding States. The evil required a remedy, but not the remedy of breaking up the Union; but one which might prevent the like in future, while administering a rebuke upon the past. That remedy was found in adopting a proposition to be offered to the House, which, if agreed to, when the House was in a condition in which would close the door against any discussion no good could be expected, and great harm upon abolition petitions in future, and assimimight be apprehended-there were sixty-three late the proceedings of the House, in that friendly vote being itself sufficient to carry | and Yorke of N. J., also voted against the reit; but, although the passage of the resolution solution of Mr. Patton. members willing to continue it in session. When the adjournment passed, Mr. Campbell stood up in a chair, and calling for the attention of members, invited all of the southern delegations to attend the meeting then being held in the committee-room of the District of Columbia. "Members from the slaveholding States had repaired to the appointment, agitated by various passions. We give a report of the propositions, presented from a letter written by Mr. Rhett: "In a private and friendly letter to the editor of the Charleston Mercury, amongst other events accompanying the memorable secession of the southern members from the hall of the House of Representatives, I stated to him that I had prepared two resolutions, drawn as amendments to the motion of the member from Vermont, whilst he was discussing the institution of slavery in the South, declaring, that the constitution having failed to protect the South in the peaceable possession and enjoyment of their rights and peculiar institutions, it was expedient that the Union should be dissolved; and the other, appointing a committee of two members from each State, to report upon the best means of peaceably dissolving it.' They were intended as amendments to a motion to refer with instructions to report a bill, abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia. I expected them to share the fate which inevitably awaited the original motion so soon as the floor could have been obtained, viz.: to be laid upon the table. My design in presenting them was, to place before Congress and the people what, in my opinion, was the true issue upon this great and vital question; and to point out the course of policy by which it should be met by the southern States.' particular, to those of the Senate. This proposition was put into the hands of Mr. Patton, of Virginia, to be offered as an amendment to the rules at the opening of the House the next morning. It was in these words : ""Resolved, That all petitions, memorials, and papers touching the abolition of slavery, or the buying, selling, or transferring of slaves, in any State, District, or Territory of the United States, be laid on the table without being debated, printed, read, or referred, and that no further action whatever shall be had thereon.' "Accordingly, at the opening of the House Mr. Patton asked leave to submit the resolution-which was read for information. Mr. Adams objected to the grant of leave. Mr. Patton then moved a suspension of the rules, which motion required two-thirds to sustain it; and, unless obtained, this salutary remedy for an alarming evil (which was already in force in the Senate) could not be offered. It was a test motion, and on which the opponents of abolition agitation in the House required all their strength; for, unless two to one, they were defeated. Happily the two to one were ready, and on taking the yeas and nays, demanded by an abolition member (to keep his friends to the track, and to hold the free-State anti-abolitionists to their responsibility at home), the result stood 135 yeas to 60 naysthe full two-thirds, and fifteen over. "This was one of the most important votes ever delivered in the House. Upon its issue depended the quiet of the House on one hand, or on the other the renewal and perpetuation of the scenes of the day before-ending in breaking up all deliberation and all national legislation. It was successful, and that critical step being safely over, the passage of the resolution was secured-the free-State was secured, yet resistance to it continued. During the second session of the 24th ConMr. Patton rose to recommend his resolution as a peace offering, and to prevent further gress, the Senate pursued the course of laying agitation by demanding the previous question. on the table the receive all abolition Then followed a scene of disorder, which petitions. thus appears in the Register of Debates: ""Mr. Adams rose and said: Mr. Speaker, the gentleman precedes his resolution-[Loud cries of Order! order!' from all parts of the hall.] Mr. A. He preceded it with remarks -[Order! order!'] The Chair reminded the gentleman that it was out of order to address the House after the demand for the previous question. "Mr. Adams. I ask the House [Continued cries of Order!' which completely drowned the honorable member's voice.'] "Order having been restored, the next question was, 'Is the demand for the previous question seconded?" which seconding would consist of a majority of the whole House; which, on a division, quickly showed itself. Then came the further question, 'Shall the main question be now put?' on which the yeas and nays were demanded and taken; and ended in a repetition of the vote of the same 63 against it. The main question was then put and carried; but again, on yeas and nays, to hold free-state members to their responsibility; showing the same 63 in the negative. "Thus were stifled, and in future prevented in the House, the inflammatory debates on these disturbing petitions. It was the great session of their presentation, being offered by hundreds, and signed by hundreds of thousands of persons-many of them women, who forgot their sex and their duties to mingle in such inflammatory work; some of them clergymen, who forget their mission of peace to stir up strife among those who should be brethren. It was a portentous contest. The motion of Mr. Slade was, not for an inquiry into the expediency of abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia, (a motion in it self sufficiently inflammatory), but to get the command of the House to bring in a bill for that purpose-which would be a decision of the question. His motion failed." The resolution of Mr. Patton was adopted by a vote of yeas 122, nays 74. The negative vote on this resolution was the same as on the adjournment previously recorded, with the exception that Messrs. Adams, Aycrigg, Bell, and White, who voted against adjourning, did not vote against the resolution. Mr. White voted for the resolution. The others named did not vote at all. Messrs. Bronson, of N. Y., Chaney of Ohio, Duncan of Ohio, Fletcher of Mass., Foster of N. Y., Graham of Ind., Hamer of Ohio, Ingham of Conn., Kilgore of Ohio, Leadbetter of Ohio, Shepler of Ohio, Smith of Me., Toucy of Conn., Webster of Ohio, The House adopted, on motion of Mr. Hawes of Ky., a resolution laying all abolition petitions upon the table, without being either printed or referred. During the 25th Congress, both Houses continued to pursue a like respective course upon the subject of abolition petitions. The Senate has to this day continued to lay the question of the reception of abolition petitions upon the table. On the 28th of January, 1840, the question was taken in the House on an amendment offered by Mr. W. Cost Johnson, to an amendment offered by Mr. J. Q. Adams to the rules. The amendment of Mr. Johnson was carried, and was called the 21st Rule. It is as follows: "That no petition, memorial or resolution, or other paper, praying the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, or any state or territory, or the slave-trade between the states or territories of the United States, in which it now exists, shall be received by this House, or entertained in any way whatever." It was adopted by the following vote :YBAS. Messrs. Alford, of Ga.; Andrews, of Ky.; Atherton, of N. H.; Banks, of Va.; Beirne, of Va.; Blackwell, of Tenn.; Botts, of Va.; Boyd, of Ky.; A. V. Brown, of Tenn.; Brown, of Miss., Burke of N. H., Butler of Ky., Butler of S. C., Bynum Chapman, of Ala.; Coles, of Va.; Colquitt, of Ga.; Conner, of N. C., Cooper of Ga., Crabb of Ala., Craig of Va., Crockett, of Tenn.; Cross, of Ark.; Davis and Fornance, of Pa.; Gar land, of Va.; Garland, of La.; Gerry, of Pa.; Goggin, of Va.; Graham, of N. C.; Graves and Green, of Ky.; Griffin, of S. C.; Habersham, of Ga.; Hawkins, of N. C.; Hill, of Va.; Hill, of Hu: Holleman, of a Holmes, of S. C.; Hopkins, of Va.; Hubbard, of Ala.; Jameson, of Mo.; Jenifer, Johnson, of Va.; Johnson, of Md.; Jones, of N. Y.; Jones, of Va.; Kemble, of N. Y.; Leadbetter, of O.; Lewis, of Ala.; of Pa.; McKay, of N. C.; Medill, of O.; Miller, of Mo.; Montanya, of N. Y.; Montgomery, of N. C.; Nisbet of Ga.; Parishof O.; Parris, of Me. Petriken, of Proin Pickens, of S. C.; Pope, of Ky.; Prentiss, of N. Y.; Proffit, of Ind.; Ramsey, of Pa.; Rayner, of N. C.; Reynolds, of Ill.; Rhett, of S. C.; Rives, of Va.; Rogers, of S. C.; Samuels, of Va.; Shaw, of N. H.; Smith, of Me.; Stanley, of N. C.; Steenrod, of Va.; Strong, of Pa.; Sumter, of S. C.; Sweeney, of O.; Taliafero, of Va.; Taylor, of O.; F. Thomas, of Md.; P. F. Thomas, of Md.; Thompson, of S. C.; Thompson, of Miss.; Triplett, of Ky.; Turney, of Tenn.; Warren, of Ga.; Watterson, of Tenn.; Weller, of O.; White, of Ky.; Williams, of N. C.; J. L. Williams, of Tenn.; C. H. Williams, of Tenn.; Williams of Ky., Wise of Va., and Worthington of Md.114. Lucas, Va.; McCarty; McClellan, of Tenn.; McCulloch NAYS.-Messrs. Adams of Mass., Allen of N. Y., Allen, of O., Anderson of Me., Anderson of Ky., Baker; Barnard of N. Y., Beatty of Pa.. Bell of Tenn., Biddle of Pa., Bond of O., Brewster of N. Y., Briggs of Mass., Brockaway of Conn., Brown, of N. Y.; Calhoun, of Ky.; Carr, of Ia.; Casey, of Ill., Chittenden, Clark of N. H., Clifford of Me., Cooper, of Pa.; Cranston, of R. L.; Crary, of Mich.; Curtis, of N. Y.; Cushing, of Mass.; Dana, of N. Y.; Davee, of Maine; Davies, of Pa.; Doane, of O.; Davis, of N. Y.; Duncan, of 0.; Edwards, of Pa.; Ely of N. Y.; Evans, of Me.; Everett, of Vt.; Fillmore, of N. Y.; Fletcher, of Vt.; Floyd, of N. Y.; Gates, of N. Y.; Gentry, of Tenn.; Giddings and Goode, of 0.; Granger, of N. Y.; Grinnell, of N. Y.; Hall, of Vt.; Hand, of N. Y.; Hastings, of Mass.; Hastings, of 0.; Henry, of l'a.; Hoffman, of N. Y.; Hook, of Pa.; Howard, of la.; Hunt, of N. Y.; Jackson, of N. Y.; James C. Johnston; Keim, of Pa.; Kempshall; Lawrence, of Mass.; Leet, of Pa.; On the 1st of Dec. 1845, Mr. Chapman of Leonard, of N. Y.; Lincoln, of Mass.; Lowell, of Me.; Mal- Ala. made a motion in effect to revive the 21st rule, but it was rejected by a vote of yeas 84, nays 121. The following is the affirmative, vote. YEAS.-Messrs. Stephen Adams, of Miss.; Atkinson, of Va.; Barringer, of N. C.; Bayley, of Va.; Bedinger, of Va.; Bell of Ky., James A. Black of S. C., Bowlin of Mo., Boyd lory, of N. Y.; Marchand of Pa.; Marvin, of N. Y.; Mason, of 0.; Mitchell, of N. Y.; Monroe, of N. Y.; Morgan, of N. Y.; Morris, of Pa.; Morris, of O.; Naylor, of Par Newhard, of Pa.; Ogle, of Pa.; Osborne, of Conn.; Palen, of N. Y.; Parmenter, of Mass.; Paynter, of Pa.; Peck, of N. Y.; Randall, of Me.; Randolph, of N. J.; Rariden, of Ia.; Reed, of Mass.; Ridgway, of 0.; Rogers, of N. Y.; Russell, of N. Y.; Saltonstall, of Mass.; Sergeant, of Pa.; Simonton, of Pa.; of Ky., Milton Brown of Tenn., William G. Brown of Slade, of Vt.; Smith of Vt., Smith of Conn., Starkweather of O., Storrs of Conn., Stuart of Ill., Tillinghast of R. I., Toland of Pa., Trumbull of Conn., Underwood of Ky., Van derpoel of N. Y., Wagener of Pa., Wagoner of N. Y., Wick, of la, Williams of N. H., Williams of Conn., and Williams of Mass.-108. The 21st rule, as it was called, which read as follows: "No petition, memorial, resolution, or other paper praying the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, or any state or territory, or the slave-trade between the states and the territories of the United Va.; Burt, of S. C.; Cabell, of Fla.; John G. Chapman, of Md.; Augustus A. Chapman, of Va.; Reuben Chapman, of Ala.; Chase, of Tenn.; Chipman, of Mich.; Clarke, of N. C.; Cobb, of Ga.; Cocke, of Tenn.; Constable, of Md.; Cullom, of Tenn.; Daniel, of N. C.; Garrett Davis, of Ky.; Dobbin, of N. C.; Dockery, of N. C.; Douglass, of Ill.; Dromgoole, of Va., Faran, of O.; Ficklin, of Ill.; Giles, of Md.; Graham, of N. C.; Haralson, of Ga.; Harmanson, of La.; Hilliard, of Ala.; Hoge, of III.; Isaac E. Holmes, of S. C.; Hopkins, of Va.; George S. Houston, of Ala.; E, W. Hubard, of Va.; Hunter, of Va.; Charles J. Ingersoll, of Pa.; Joseph Johnson, of Va.; Andrew Johnson, of Tenn.; George Jones, of Tenn.; Seaborn Jones, of Ga.; Thomas B. King, of Ga., Leake, of Va.; Ligon, of Md.; Long, of Md.; Lumpkin, of of Ill.; McConnell, of States in which it now exists, shall be receive YEAS.-Messrs. Abbot, of Mass.; Adams, of Mass.; Anderson, of N. Y.; Baker, of Mass.; Barnard, of N. Y.; Ben ton, of N. Y.; Black, of Pa.; Brinkerhoff, of O.; Brodhead, of Pa.; T. Brown, of Pa.; Buffington of Pa.; Carpenter, of N.Y. Cary, of NY; Catlin, of Conn.; Clingman, of N. C., Clinton of N. Y., Collamer of Vt., Cranston R. I., Dana, of N. Y.; Darragh, of Pa.; Dean, of O.; Dickey, of Pa.; Dillingham, of Vt.; Duncan, of O.; Dunlap, of Me.; Ellis, of N. Y.; Elmer, of N. J.; Farlee, of N. J.; Fish, of N. Y.; Florence, of O.: Foot, of Vt.; Foller, of Pa.; Giddings, of O.; Green, of N. Y.; Grinnell, of Mass.; Hale, of N. H.; Hamlin, of Me.; Hamlin, of S. C.; Hardin, of ill., Harper, of 0.; Henley, of la.; Herrick, of Me.; Hubbell, of N. Y., Hudson, of Mass.; Hungerford, of N, Y.; Hunt, of Mich.; J. R. Ingersoll, of Pa.; Irvin, of Pa.; Jencks, of Pa; P. B. Johnson, of 0.; Kennedy, of la.; Kennedy, of Md.; King, of Mass.; Kirkpatrick, N. J.; Leonard, of N. Y.; Lyon, of Mich.; McCauslen, of O.; McClelland, of Mich.; McDowell, of O.; McIlvaine, of Pa.; Marsh, of Vt.; Morris, of Pa.; Morris, of O.; Morse, of Me.; Moxly, of N. Y.; Nes, of Pa.; Owen, of Is.; Parmenter, of Mass.; Patterson, of N. Y.; Pettit, of la.; Phoenix, of N. Y.; Pollock, of Pa.; Potter, of R. I.; Pratt, of N. Y.; Preston, of Md.; Purdy, of N. Y.; Ramsey, of Pa.; Rathbun, of N. Y.; Ritter, of Pa.; Robinson, of N. Y.; Rockwell, of Mass.; Rogers, of N. Y.; St. John, of 0.; Sample, of Ia.; Schenck, of O.; Sever ance, of Me.; Thomas H. Seymour, of Conn.; David L. Sey mour, of N. Y.; Albert Smith, of N. Y.; John, T. Smith, of Pa.; Thomas Smith, Ia.; Caleb B. Smith, of Is.; Stetson, of N. Y.; Andrew Stewart, of Pa.; John Stewart, of Conn.; Tyler, of N. Y.; Vance, of O.; Vinton, of 0.; Wentworth, of IILL; Wethered, of Md.; Wheaton, of Mass.; John White, of Ky.; Benjamin White, of Me.; Williams, of Mass.; Winthrop of Mass., William Wright of N. Y., Joseph A. Wright of la.; and Yost, of Pa.--108. NATS-Messrs. Arrington, of N. C.; Ashe, of Tenn.; At kinson, of Va.; Baily, of Va.; Barringer, of N. C.; Bidlack, of Pa; Edward J. Black, of Ga.; James A. Black, of S. C.; Blackwell, of Tenn.; Bowlin, of Mo.; Boyd, of Ky.; Milton Brown, of Tenn.; William J. Brown, of Ia.; Burke, of N. H.; Burt, of S. C.; Caldwell, of Ky.; Causin, of Md.; Reuben Chapman, of Ala.; Augustus A. Chapman, of Va.; Chilton, of Va, Cobb of Ga., Daniel of N. C., Garrett Davis of Ky, John W. Davis, of la.; Dawson, of La.; Deberry, of N. C.; Dellett, of Ala.; Dromgoole, of Va.; Ficklin, of Ill.; French, of Tenn.; Goggin, of Va.; Grider, of Ky.; Haralson, of Ga.; Holmes, of S. C.; Hoge, of Ill.; Hopkins, of Va.; Houston, of Ala.: Hubard, of Va.; Hughes, of Mo.; Charles J. Inger soil, of Pa.; Jameson, of Mo.; Cave Johnson, of Tenn.; Andrew Johnson, of Tenn.; George W. Jones, of Tenn.; Pres ton King, of N. Y.; Labranche, of La; Lucas, of Va.; Lumpkin, of Ga.; McClernand, of Ill.; McConnell, of Ala.; McKay, of N. C.; Mathews, of O.; Isaac E. Morse, of La.; Murphy, of N. Y.; Newton, of Va.; Norris, of N. H.; Payne, of Ala: Peyton, of Tenn.; David S. Reid, of N. C.; Reding, of N. H.; Relfe, of Mo.; Rhett, of S. C.; Rodney, of Del.; Saunders, of N. Y.; Senter, of Tenn.; Simpson, of S. C.; Siktell, of La.; Robert Smith, of Illinois; Steenrod, of Va.; Stephens, of Ga.; Stiles, of Ga.; James W. Stone, of Ky.; Alfred P. Stone, of 0.; Taylor, of Va.; Thomasson, of Ky.; Thompson, of Miss; Tibbatts, of Tenn.; Weller, of 0.; Woodward, of 8. C.; and Yancey, of Ala.-80. of Ky.; McKay, of N. C.; John P. Martin, of Ky.; Barclay Martin, of Tenn.; Norris, of N. H.; Payne, of Ala.; Pendleton, of Va.; Perry, of Md.; Price, of Mo. Reid, of N. C.; Relfe, of Mo.; Rhett, of S. C.; Seddon, of Va.; A. D. Sims, of S. C.; L. H. Simms, of Mo.; Simpson, of S. C.; Robert Smith, of Ill.; Stanton, of Tenn.; Stephens, of Ga. Taylor of Va., Jacob Thompson of Miss., Toombs, of Ga., Tibbatts of Ky., Treadway of Va., Trumbo of Ky., Wilmot of Pa., Woodward of S. C., Yancey of Ala., Yell of Ark.-84. The following Southern Representatives voted in the negative, Messrs. Crozier and Gentry of Tenn., Grider, Young, and Thomasson of Ky., Houston of Del., Thibodeaux of La. ist The following is the affirmative vote in the House on the 11th of Dec. 1845, in laying on the table an abolition petition, presented by Mr. Culver of N. Y., praying the abolition of slavery, and the slave-trade in the District of Columbia. YEAS.-Messrs. S. Adams, of Miss.; Atkinson, of Va.; Barringer, of N. C.; Bayley, of Va.; Bedinger, of Va.; Biggs, of N. C.; James Black, of Pa.; James A. Black, of S. C.; Boyd, of Ky.; Brodhead, of Pa.; William G. Brown, of Va.; Burt, of S. C.; John H. Campbell, of Pa.; Augustus A. Chapman, of Va.; R. Chapman, of Ala; Chipman, of Mich.; Clarke, of N. C.; Cocke, of Tenn.; Crozier, of Tenn.; Cullom, of Tenn.; Cunningham, of O.; Daniel, of N. C.; G. Davis, of Ky.; Dockery, of N. C.; Douglass, of Ill.; Edsall of N. J.; Erdman, of Pa.; Faran, of 0.; Foster, of Pa.; Gentry, of Tenn.; Giles, of Md.; Goodyear, of N. Y.; Graham, of N. C.; Grider, of Ky.; Haralson, of Ga.; Harmanson, of La.; Henley, of Ind.; Hilliard, of Ala.; Hoge, of Ill.; Hopkins, of Va.; John W. Houston, of Del.; G. S. Houston, of Ala., Hungerford, of N. Y.; Hunter, of Va.; Charles J. Ingersoll, of Pa.; J. H. Johnson, of N. H.; J. Johnson, of Va.; Andrew Johnson, of Tenn., George W. Jones of Tenn., Seaborn Jones of Ga., Kennedy of Ind., T. B. King of Ga., Lawrence of N. Y., Leake of Va., Levin of Penn., Ligon of Md., Lumpkin of Ga., Maclay of N. Y., McClean of Pa., McCrate of Me., McHenry of Ky., John P. Martin of Ky., Barclay Martin of Tenn., Miller of N. Y., Morse of Louisiana, Moulton of N. H., Nor ris of N. H., Owen of Ind., Parish of 0., Payne of Ala., Pendleton of Va., Perrill of O., Perry of Md., Petit of Ind., Price of Mo., Rathbun of N. Y., Reid of N. C., Relfe of Mo., Ritter of Pa., Roberts of Miss., Sawyer of O., Scammon of Me., Seddon of Va., A. D. Sims of S. C., L. H. Simms of Mo., Simpson of S. C., Robert Smith of Ill., Stanton of Tenn., Stephens of Ga., Thibodeaux of La., James Thompson of Pa., Jacob Thompson of Miss., Thurman of O., Tibbats of Ky.. Toombs of Ga., Treadway of Va., Trumbo of Ky., Wentworth of Ill., Wick of Ind., Wilmot of Pa., Woodruff of N. Y., Woodward of S. C., Woodworth of N. J., Yancey of Ala., Yell of Ark., Young of Ky., and Yost of Pa.-108. On the 25th of February, 1850, Mr. Giddings of Ohio, in the House of Representatives, presented two petitions, one from Isaac Jeffries and other citizens of Penna., and the other from John T. Woodward and other citi zens of Del. and Pa. They were as follows: tional power. "We, the undersigned inhabitants of Penn- District of Columbia and Territories; the sylvania and Delaware, believing that the inter-state slave-trade, and a general opposiFederal Constitution, in pledging the strength tion to slavery to the full extent of constitu of the whole nation to support slavery, violates the Divine law, makes war upon human rights, and is grossly inconsistent with republican principles: that its attempt to unite slavery in one body politic has brought upon the country great and manifold evils, and has fully proved that no such union can exist, but by the sacrifice of freedom to the supremacy of slavery, respectfully ask you to devise and propose without delay, some plan for the immediate, peaceful dissolution of the American Union." Fourthly. The proper means of restoring confidence among the people? Mr. McClernand of Ill. objected to the reception of the petitions, and it was decided by a vote of yeas 8, nays 162, not to receive them. The affirmative vote consisted of Messrs. Allen of Mass., Durkee of Wisconsin, Giddings of Ohio, Goodenow of Me., Howe of Pa., Julian of Ind., Preston King of N. Y., and Root of Ohio. Upon the 1st of February, 1850, the same petitions praying a dissolution of the Union were presented in the Senate by Mr. Hale of N. H. Mr. Webster of Mass. suggested that there should have been a preamble to the petition in these words "Gentlemen, members of Congress, whereas at the commencement of the session, you and each of you took your solemn oaths in the presence of God and on the Holy Evangelists, that you would support the Constitution of the U. S., now therefore we pray you to take immediate steps to break up the Union and overthrow the Constitution of the United States as soon as you can. And as in duty bound we will ever pray." But three Senators voted for the reception of the petition, viz.: Messrs. Chase, Hale, and Seward. In 1848, that portion of the party which did not support the Buffalo nominees took the ground of affirming the constitutional authority and duty of the General Government to abolish slavery in the States. Under the head of "Buffalo," the platform of the Free Soil party, which nominated Mr. Van Buren, will be found. In 1852, the Independent Democrats as they were called, who supported John P. Hale for President, adopted the following platform: Having assembled in National Convention, as the Delegates of the Free Democracy of the United States, united by a common resolve to maintain right against wrongs, and freedom against slavery; confiding in the intelligence, patriotism, and the discriminating justice of the American people, putting our trust in God for the triumph our cause, and invoking His guidance in our endeavors to advance it, we now submit to the candid judgment of all men the following declaration of principles and measures: aph of I. That governments, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, are instituted among men to secure to all, those inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, with which they are endowed by their Creator, and of which none can be deprived by valid legislation, except for crime. II. That the true mission of American De mocracy is to maintain the liberties of the people, the sovereignty of the states, and the perpetuity of the Union, by the impartial application to public affairs, without sectional discriminations, of the fundamental principles of equal rights, strict justice, and economical administration. III. That the Federal Government is one of limited powers, derived solely from the Constitution, and the grants of power therein ought to be strictly construed by all the departments and agents of the government, and it is inexpedient and dangerous to exercise doubtful constitutional powers. IV. That the Constitution of the United States, ordained to form a more perfect union, to establish justice, and secure the blessings of liberty, expressly denies to the general government all power to deprive any person vernment all of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; and therefore the government, These petitions have since then excited but having no more power to make a slave than little attention.. Abolition Platforms. THE first national platform of the Abolition party upon which it went into the contest in 1840, favored the abolition of slavery in the to make a king, and no more power to esta blish slavery than to establish monarchy, should at once proceed to relieve itself from all responsibility for the existence of slavery, wherever it possesses constitutional power to legislate for its extinction. V. That, to the persevering and importu-in limited quantities, free of cost, to land nate demands of the slave power for more slave states, new slave territories, and the nationalization of slavery, our distinct and final answer is no more slave states, no slave territory, no nationalized slavery, and no national legislation for the extradition of slaves. VI. That slavery is a sin against God, and a crime against man, which no human enactment nor usage can make right; and that Christianity, humanity, and patriotism alike demand its abolition. less settlers. XIII. That a due regard for the Federal Constitution, and sound administrative policy, demand that the funds of the general government be kept separate from banking institutions; that inland and ocean postage should be reduced to the lowest possible point; that no more revenue should be raised than is required to defray the strictly necessary expenses of the public service, and to pay off the public debt; and that the power and patronage of the government should be diminished VII. That the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 is repugnant to the Constitution, to the prin- by the abolition of all unnecessary offices, ciples of the common law, to the spirit of salaries, and privileges, and by the election, Christianity, and to the sentiments of the civil- by the people, of all civil officers in the serized world. We therefore deny its binding vice of the United States, so far as may be conforce upon the American people, and demand its immediate and total repeal. VIII. That the doctrine that any human law is a finality, and not subject to modification or repeal, is not in accordance with the creed of the founders of our government, and is dangerous to the liberties of the people. sistent with the prompt and efficient transaction of the public business. XIV. That river and harbor improvements, when necessary to the safe safety and convenience of commerce with foreign nations, or among the several states, are objects of national concern; and it is the duty of Congress, in the exercise of its constitutional powers, to provide for the same. XV. That emigrants and exiles from the Old World should find a cordial welcome to IX. That the acts of Congress, known as the Compromise Measures of 1850, by making the admission of a sovereign state contingent upon the adoption of other measures demanded homes of comfort and fields of enterprise in by the special interest of slavery; by their the New; and every attempt to abridge their omission to guaranty freedom in free terri- privilege of becoming citizens and owners of tories; by their attempt to impose unconstitu- the soil among us, ought to be resisted with tional limitations on the power of Congress inflexible determination. and the people to admit new states; by their provisions for the assumption of five millions of the state debt of Texas, and for the payment of five millions more, and the cession of a large territory to the same state under menace, as an inducement to the relinquishment of a groundless claim, and by their invasion of the sovereignty of the states and the liberties of the people through the enactment of an unjust, oppressive and unconstitutional Fugitive Slave Law, are proved to be inconsistent with all the principles and maxims of Democracy, and wholly inadequate to the settlement of the questions of which they are claimed to be an adjustment. X. That no permanent settlement of the slavery question can be looked for, except in the practical recognition of the truth, that slavery is sectional, and freedom national; by the total separation of the general government from slavery, and the exercise of its legitimate and constitutional influence on the side of freedom; and by leaving to the states the whole subject of slavery and the extradition of fugi tives from service. XVI. That every nation has a clear right to alter or change its own government, and to administer its own concerns in such manner as may best secure the rights and promote the happiness of the people; and foreign interference with that right is a dangerous violation of the law of nations, against which all independent governments should protest, and endeavor by all proper means to prevent; and especially is it the duty of the American government, representing the chief republic of the world, to protest against, and by all proper means to prevent the intervention of kings and emperors against nations seeking to establish for themselves republican or constitutional governments. XVII. That the independence of Hayti ought to be recognised by our government, and our commercial relations with it placed on the footing of the most favored nations. XVIII. That as, by the Constitution, "the citizens of each state shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens of the several states," the practice of imprisoning colored seamen of other states, while the vessels to which they belong lie in port, and refusing to exercise the right to bring such cases before the Supreme Court of the United States, to test the legality of such proceedings, is a flagrant violation of the Constitution, and an invasion of the rights of the citizens of other states, utterly inconsistent with the profescions made by the slaveholders, that they wish the provisions of the Constitution faithfully observed by every state in the Union. |