So mighty was it, that in the ultra-royalist Chamber of 1815 it decided for an Electoral System, in favour of the rich citizen and adverse to the interests of the King. Wise is the saying of M. Louis Blanc on these events, that "words did not in this case tally with the ideas they ostensibly implied-and that, under the denominations of Liberals and Royalists, interests were concealed that were in reality neither those of Liberty nor those of Monarchy." Such concealed interests have existed throughout the whole of the contest. The struggle was actually between feudal ideas and bourgeois interests. The triumph remained with the latter, and the Orleans dynasty but confirmed their ascendancy. The history of the ten years since the period of its accession M. Louis Blanc has compressed into a single page. I cannot do better than transfer it bodily to this place.

LXVIII.-" A people spurning control, victorious and master of itself; three generations of kings flying beyond the seas; the bourgeoisie appeasing the multitude, shuffling it away, and giving itself a chief; the disappointed nations looking restlessly toward France, as she sat still under a new king; the revolutionary spirit flattered at first, then compressed, and finally exploding in prodigious effects and scenes, of horror, plots and butcheries; three hundred Republicans giving battle in Paris to a whole army; property assailed by daring sectarians; Lyons twice insurgent and deluged with blood; the Duchesse de Berri rekindling the fanaticism of La Vendée, and disgraced by those of her own family; unparalleled prosecutions; the cholera; abroad peace uncertain, though sought after with ruinous obstinacy; Africa devastated at random; the East abandoned; within, no security; all the wild riot of intellect, and some noble efforts; commercial anarchy at its height;

the disgraceful excesses of speculation ending in ruin; the Executive decried; five attempts at regicide; the people furtively prompted to vast desires; secret societies; the rich alarmed, irritated, and combining with impatience of the evil, the dread of escaping from it.. Such is the picture presented by the history of the ten years between 1830 and 1840. In a purely political point of view it is naturally divided into three great periods. In the first, which extends from the establishment of the Orleans Dynasty to the fall of the Lafitte Administration, the Executive appears restless, feeble, tottering; it submits only by fallacious concessions; it develops itself only by artifice. Linked together by a community of interests and hopes, royalty and the bourgeoisie afford each other mutual support the parliamentary and the monarchical principle enter into a momentary alliance. This is the period of foundation. The second embraces the administration of Casimir Périer, continued by that of Thiers and Guizot. The Executive, violently attacked, defends itself with violence. A community of danger renders more close the alliance already concluded between the bourgeoisie and royalty: the parliamentary and the monarchical principle seem blended into one. This is the period of struggle. In the third and last period, the vices of the system declare themselves. The Executive, ceasing to encounter any serious dangers, first becomes listless and then divides. The bourgeoisie and royalty begin to separate. The Chamber grows factious, and the Ministry practises arts of corruption. The rivalry of the two principles unfolds itself with all its inconveniences, all its dangers. This is the period of decline."

LXIX. What has already been written has added to that of decline the epoch of the fall. The attitude to

be now taken by France towards foreign nations is matter of great anxiety. A Provisional Government inclined to peace; a fierce democracy urging to war; and when the former shall have delivered up its functions to the National Assembly, the probability of the latter becoming more and more rampant, particularly if, from the too moderate constitution of the National Assembly, there should be any reasonable fear of reaction, or any decline in the popularity of the Poet-leader. The Austrians in Italy, and the Russians in Poland, are the objects of the popular hatred. Italy, meanwhile, has taken an imposing position. In 1846, as before recorded, I ventured to state that "there was a spirit of freedom in France, which, though it then slumbered, would, ere long, demand new Constitutions. The Continent was awakened; even Rome herself was roused." This sounded the key-note of the world-harmony that was then about to ring out in the ear of Heaven. Pope Pius IX. represented France in Rome. His Holiness was nominated by Louis-Philippe-was defended by the Journal des Débats-and adopted in Rome the scheme of policy in Paris. But the Pope, unlike the King, was sincere in his Jacobinism, and really meant the Reformation of the Vatican. Of all Monarchs he can best afford to be Cosmopolitan. At the same time, he must be strictly patriotic; for it is from the bosom of Rome, as a centre, that he must radiate a regenerating influence on the nations. The true heart of Italy is neither Vienna, nor Turin, nor Naples, but the Eternal City.

"When falls the Coliseum, Rome shall fall;

And when Rome falls, the world."

Italy not only groans under the Austrian yoke, but also wars against the forms of Teutonic thought. The

genius of the two countries is antagonistic. Hence Italy, while on the one hand it wars against Despotism, on the other struggles against Freedom. She claims the empire of thought, she, however, cannot secure it without becoming first subdued. First, the Pope has to free the land from Austrian invasion-next will come the necessity for spiritual reforms. He will then have to supplant the scepticism which underlies the religious expression of the country, and which superstition naturally engenders. To do this, he will call in the Philosophy of the Germans, and may do so with effect when that is freed from their political influence. Set at large from Austrian despotism, the Italians will no longer quarrel with German liberty. The freedom of thought that leads to faith will be welcomefor men grow weary of doubting. They must-they will believe. But of the objects of faith will be selected the more pure-perhaps, the purest ;-perhaps, those. Pure Ideas of the German rationalist, to which he subordinates both Fact and Fiction. At any rate it would be quite in the spirit of Gioberti's theory, should Rome convert the philosophical Idea of the Absolute into the means of establishing a Spiritual Authority, by an attempted incarnation of it in the Papal Power. A possible Hegel or Strauss in the chair of St. Peter would be found transcending both written record and church tradition, and fearlessly placing the mind of the world under the dominion of the Pure Reason. But there is much to be done previously. Italy has now exclusively to consider the political question. Before she admits German ideas, she must get rid of German troops.

LXX. Yes, Italy has also to argue out the great controversy now at issue before the world, and must have a clear stage and a little favour to do it with effect. Her

new pontiff, happily for himself and Italy, had commenced the reform of abuses previous to the Parisian outbreak. The great difficulty in the question arises from the desire of preventing a European war, justified as such war would be in behalf of the independence of all North Italy from Austria. Should France assist Italy, and Russia or any other power join Austria; would England then act against Italy? I think not;-yet the English Government for the present would rather not provoke hostility, and France ought not to be hurried into the contest. Yet, let it not be overlooked that the independence and regeneration of all Italy is by far the most important political object of the present day, and should be effected the soonest. Checkmated Austria, while her discomfited Radetsky contests with the Piedmontese the pass of Adige below Verona, naturally seeks to influence the Pope as her spiritual head. Impatient Rome would have Italy pass from the defensive to the aggressive-demands, in fact, that the Holy Father should declare war against Austria. Can he declare war against the children of the Church? Ought the Roman troops to attempt more than the protection of the States of the Church? To pass the Po is, therefore, to disobey the commands of their chief. Ah! but it is impossible for things to continue thus. Even Radetsky himself cannot permit it. Taking advantage of the Pontiff's not having officially declared war against Austria, the Marshal shot some Roman volunteers whom he had captured. One Cuffi, a painter, much beloved and popular withal, is found hanging from a tree, with a written paper attached to his dead body-"Such is the manner in which the crusaders of Pius IX. are treated." Great is the indignation excited; Count Lutzoff, the Austrian Ambassador, is menaced with popular vengeance, but spared on account of his amiable character. Still the Pope