have a chance to think. I invited him to be my guest in Brooklyn; but he declined, saying he was afraid he had made a mistake in accepting the call to New York, and feared his lecture would not prove a success. He said he would have to give his whole time to it, otherwise he was sure he would make a failure, in which case he would be very sorry for the young men who had kindly invited him. This interview was on Saturday. I then said: "Will you come to Brooklyn and attend church with me on Sunday?" He said he would be very glad to do so. He asked where I attended church. I told him Plymouth Church; and he said he would like to hear Mr. Beecher, and that he would come over in good time. I then invited him to dine with me after the morning service. He said he would do so. Soon after ten o'clock on Sunday morning he appeared at the door of the church where I was waiting for him, and I escorted him to my pew. His presence in the church was unknown to anybody. A few moments before the service commenced I introduced him to Mr. Horace B. Claflin, who sat in the next pew behind me. He talked with him a moment, and then Mr. Claflin turned round and spoke to his neighbor in the adjoining pew; and I am pretty sure that within ten minutes a large proportion of the audience knew Mr. Lincoln was present. The sermon seemed to interest him very much, and after the meeting closed I invited Mr. Beecher. on a slip of paper-to come down and speak to Mr. Lincoln. He did so, and the interview seemed to attract the attention of the audience, who remained, almost in a body, to look at the distinguished stranger from Illinois. All seemed anxious to shake hands with him, and hundreds did so. Finally he said: "I think, Mr. Bowen, we have had

enough of this show, and I will now go with you." We started from the church, passed through the crowd and went to my house. When we got to the front steps he said: "Mr. Bowen, I guess I will not go in." My reply was: "My good sir, we have arranged to have you dine. with us, and we cannot excuse you." His reply was: "Now, look here, Mr. Bowen, I am not going to make a failure at the Cooper Institute to-morrow night, if I can possibly help it. I am anxious to make a success of it on account of the young men who have so kindly invited me here. It is on my mind all the time, and I cannot be persuaded to accept your hospitality at this time. Please excuse me and let me go to my room at the hotel, lock the door, and there think about my lecture."

The lecture which Mr. Lincoln was to give on Monday evening was fairly well advertised; but the young men, who greatly desired his success-mainly, for financial reasons did not seem to be very enthusiastic, Mr. Richards said, about the result.

The evening came, and everybody was apparently astonished to see a crowded house. The speech, which was mostly on slavery and kindred topics, was regarded a most wonderful success; it seemed to please everybody. He presented point after point in such a fair, happy and telling way, that he made an army of friends at once; even the proslavery men present · attracted there to see the man who had the reputation of whipping Douglas went away saying: "Well, I like that man, if I don't agree with him.” "He is a good fellow, anyway." "He doesn't make you mad as Garrison and Phillips do," etc. More zealous Republicans were probably made within twenty-four hours after the delivery of that speech than

existed before in the whole city. The Tribune and other newspapers reported his speech fully, and very little was said in any quarter against it. Within two days letters and telegrams came pouring in from all quarters inviting Mr. Lincoln to lecture. The Hon. Hugh H. Osgood, of Norwich, Conn., made the first application to Mr. Lincoln for a lecture in that city. He had obtained the names and influence of most of the leading men in Norwich to aid him, and it was at once decided that Mr. Lincoln should go East, speaking in New Haven, Hartford, Norwich, and also at Providence. Within ten days Abraham Lincoln was everywhere, in Republican circles, spoken of and applauded for his boldness and wisdom and was pronounced the "coming man" and a great acquisition to the ranks of outspoken antislavery men.

The following May, at the Republican National Convention, which, fortunately for Mr. Lincoln, met at Chicago, he was made the candidate of the party for President. While he was popular and well spoken of in all quarters, very few believed that he would be nominated, and I was among them. My choice was William H. Seward for President, and Abraham Lincoln for VicePresident. The convention was greatly excited; the friends of Seward were legion, and they did their very best to secure his nomination. Mr. Seward obtained on the first ballot 173 votes, Mr. Lincoln, 102, and the remainder were much scattered. At the second ballot, it seemed certain that Mr. Seward would triumph by a very large majority. But when the vote was taken, it showed 184 for Seward and 181 for Lincoln. The third ballot. gave Mr. Lincoln 231 votes - only two short of the number required to nominate him—when, before the

result was declared, enough Ohio and New England yotes were promptly given to nominate him. But that mere majority was not permitted to stand on the record, for State after State wheeled into the Lincoln ranks, and, amid immense enthusiasm, he was made by a unanimous vote, on the motion of the Hon. Wm. M. Evarts (Seward's strongest friend), the Republican candidate for President; and in due time he was elected the first Republican President of the United States.

In a long and private conversation with President Lincoln during a whole evening at the Soldiers' Home, during the week of his inauguration, he gave me a history of his feelings and anxieties during the campaign. He said he had "gone his whole length" for the Republican Party (six feet and four inches, I thought), and he felt that the nation was thoroughly aroused and enthusiastic, as never before, for the overthrow of slavery and the establishment of freedom throughout the land. He was sure, he said, "from the word go," after his nomination that he would be elected.

In November, on the day of the election, he said he was calm and sure of the result. The first news he received, mostly from New York, was unfavorable, and he felt a little discouraged. Later the dispatches indicated a turn in the tide, and when he learned of his election he said his heart overflowed with thanksgiving to God for his providential goodness to our beloved country. He continued: "I cannot conceal the fact that I was a very happy man," and then he added, with much feeling, "Who could help being so under such circumstances? He then said that "the enthusiastic greetings of his neighbors and friends during the evening, at the Club," together with the numerous telegrams which

poured in upon him, "well-nigh upset him with joy." At a late hour he left the Club rooms and went home to talk over matters with his wife. Before going to the Club that evening to get the election news as it came in, he said: "I told my wife to go to bed, as probably I should not be back before midnight. When at about twelve o'clock the news came informing me of my election I said: 'Boys, I think I will go home now; for there is a little woman there who would like to hear the news.' The Club gave me three rousing cheers, and then I left. On my arrival I went to my bedroom and found my wife sound asleep. I gently touched her shoulder and said, 'Mary'; she made no answer. I spoke again, a little louder, saying, 'Mary, Mary! we are elected!' Well," continued the President, "I then went to bed, but before I went to sleep I selected every member of my Cabinet, save one. I determined on Seward for my Secretary of State, Chase for Secretary of the Treasury, Welles, whose acquaintance I made in Hartford, for Secretary of the Navy, and Blair and others for the other positions; but I was induced to make one or two changes when I got to Washington. My Cabinet, however, was substantially fixed upon that night. I wanted Seward, for I had the highest respect for him and the utmost confidence in his ability. I wanted Chase, also; I considered him one of the ablest, best and most reliable men in the country and a good representative of the progressive, antislavery element in the party." In a word. he said he "wanted all his competitors to have a place in his Cabinet in order to create harmony in the party."

In 1862 Mr. Beecher and Mr. Tilton, who had then, by contract, the sole editorial control of the paper, while I retained direction only of the financial and other business