half of his troops, was to be in the vicinity of Boonsboro'. A great opportunity had come to McClellan. General Franklin was in position to make a quick march and fall upon Jackson; he himself might hurry on to Boonsboro' and overwhelm Lee. But there was no quick issuing of orders, no hurrying anywhere. Franklin, when he reached Crampton's Gap, won an easy victory over the Confederates holding it; but Harper's Ferry, with 11,000 men and all its cannon, was being surrendered to Jackson.

McClellan moved leisurely to Turner's Gap, held by a portion of the Confederates under Longstreet. The advance was made with great deliberation. The Confederates were finally driven, and the Union army moved on to Boonsboro'.

A battle was fought at Antietam. When night closed the advantage was on the side of the Union army, which looked forward to Sept. 17. a victory.

The following morning dawned, but no cannon thundered, nor was there any rattle of musketry. Through the day the two armies were motionless.

Again the morning dawned, and the Confederates were in Virginia. The report showed that notwithstanding the losses in battle and from straggling soldiers, 93,000 men were present for duty. The Confederate army, as is now known, did not number 50,000. It was Sept. 20. worn by hard marching, and greatly weakened. Several thousand troops had been sent to McClellan, but many had wandered from the ranks and were feasting on the good things to be found in the farm-houses of Maryland.

"Sending troops to the army," said the President, "is like attempting to shovel fleas across a barn-yard: not half of them get there.” (')

The North hailed the result of Antietam as a victory. The time had come for President Lincoln to issue his contemplated proclamation concerning emancipation-giving notice to the States fighting against the Government that unless they laid down their arms he should, on January 1, 1863, issue an edict giving freedom to slaves.

The clock was striking twelve on Monday noon when the members of the Cabinet assembled in the White House-called to a Sept. 22. special meeting.

"I have a very funny book here," said the President, "written by 'Artemas Ward.' Let me read you what he says about an outrage at Utica."

"Artemas Ward," whose real name was Charles F. Browne, was a hu

morist. His book was an account of the incidents that befell him while making his pretended travels through the country exhibiting his "show" to the public. Mr. "Ward's" spelling was peculiarly phonetic. His "show" consisted of "Three moral bares, a kangaro (a amoozin little raskal), wax figgers of G. Washington, Gen. Tayler, John Bunyun, Capt. Kidd, and Dr. Webster in the act of killing Dr. Parkman, besides several miscellanyus wax statoots of celebrated piruts and murderers, &c., ekalled by few and exceld by none." Among the figures was one of Judas Iscariot. The

account given by Mr. "Ward" of his adventures was flavored with irony as well as humor. The outrage at Utica is a jest upon one phase of human nature as sometimes exhibited.

"In the fall of1856," reads the account, "I showed my show in Utiky, a trooly great sitty in the state of New York. The people gave me a cordyul recepshun. The press was loud in her prases. "1 day as I was givin my discripshun of my Beests and Snaiks

in my usual flowry

stile, what was my

skorn and disgust to see a big burly feller walk up to the cage contain ing my figger of Judas and drag him out on the ground. He then commenced to pound him as hard as he cood.

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"What under the son are you about?' cried I.

"Sez he, 'What did you bring this pussylaneemus cuss here fur?' & he hit the wax figger another tremenjis blow on the hed. Sez I. 'You egrejus ass, that air's a wax figger-a representashun of the false 'Postle.'

"Sez he, That's all very well fur you to say; but I tell you, old

man, that Judas Iscareiot can't show himself in Utiky with impunerty.' With that he kaved in Judasses hed. The young man belonged to 1 of the first famulies in Utiky. I sood him, and the Joory brawt in a verdick of arson in the 3d degree."

The President enjoyed the "hit" upon people who regarded themselves as belonging to the first families, and also upon the verdicts of juries as sometimes rendered. The members of the Cabinet-all except Mr. Stanton-laughed heartily. The Secretary of War could not see anything to laugh at. He had little appreciation of humor. He had come to the White House to consult with the President upon a momentous question, and made no effort to conceal his contempt for the nonsense of such a mountebank as "Artemas Ward." He could not comprehend the relief which it had given the President after the sleepless nights and anxious days preceding Antietam. The laughter and humor was a healthful stimulus in preparing Mr. Lincoln for the consideration of great questions. The book was returned to the President's desk.

"I have called you together," he said, "to consult upon an important matter. (*) Gentlemen, I have, as you are aware, thought a great deal about the relation of this war to slavery; and you all remember that, several weeks ago, I read to you an order I had prepared on this subject, which, on account of objections made by some of you, was not issued. Ever since then my mind has been much occupied with this subject, and I have thought, all along, that the time for acting on it might probably come. I think the time has come now. I wish it was a better time. I wish that we were in a better condition. The action of the army against the rebels has not been quite what I should have best liked. But they have been driven out of Maryland, and Pennsylvania. is no longer in danger of invasion. When the rebel army was at Frederick, I determined, as soon as it should be driven out of Maryland, to issue a proclamation of emancipation, such as I thought most likely to be useful. I said nothing to any one; but I made the promise to myself, and" [hesitating a little] "to my Maker. The rebel army is now driven out, and I am going to fulfil that promise. I have got you together to hear what I have written down. I do not wish your advice about the main matter, for that I have determined for myself. This I say without intending anything but respect for any one of you. already know the views of each on this question. They have been heretofore expressed, and I have considered them as thoroughly and carefully as I can. What I have written is that which my reflections have

But I

determined me to say. If there is anything in the expressions I use, or in any minor matter, which any one of you thinks had best be changed, I shall be glad to receive the suggestions. One other observation I will make. I know very well that many others might, in this matter, as in others, do better than I can; and if I was satisfied that the public confidence was more fully possessed by any one of them than by me, and knew of any constitutional way in which he could be put in my place, he should have it. I would gladly yield it to him. But, though I believe that I have not so much of the confidence of the people as I had some time since, I do not know that, all things considered, any other person has more; and, however this may be, there is no way in which I can have any other man put where I am. I am here. I must do the best I can, and bear the responsibility of taking the course which I feel I ought to take. (")

"I have made a vow- a covenant-that if God should give us victory in battle I would consider it as an indication of divine will, and that it would be our duty to move forward with emancipation. You may think it strange that I have thus submitted matters when the way was not clear to my mind as to what I ought to do. God has decided this question in favor of the slaves. I am satisfied that I took the right course; it is confirmed by results.”(")

"Would it not be well," Mr. Seward asked, "to make the proclamation more clear and decided; to leave out all reference to the act being sustained during the incumbency of the present President, and not merely say that the Government recognizes,' but that it will maintain the freedom it proclaims?"

"What you have said, Mr. President," remarked Mr. Chase, "fully satisfies me that you have given the subject careful consideration. You have expressed your conclusions distinctly. This it was your right, and under your oath of office your duty to do. The proclamation does not mark out exactly the course I myself would prefer, but I am ready to take it just as it has been written, and to stand by it with all my heart. I think, however, that the suggestions of Mr. Seward are very judicious, and shall be glad to have them adopted."

"I am ready to sustain the proclamation with all my power," said Mr. Stanton, "but the act is so great, and in which such great consequences are involved, I hope every member will be explicit in declaring his opinion."

"I assent to it as a war measure," said Mr. Welles.

"I am on principle an emancipationist," Mr. Blair remarked, “but

doubt the expediency of issuing the proclamation just at this moment. We ought not to do anything that will jeopardize the patriotic sentiment of the border States. This proclamation will be likely to carry them over to the Confederacy. There is also a party of men in the Free States who are trying to revive old party lines, and I do not want to put a club into their hands just now. I approve the measure, but the time has not come for such action, and I must file my objection, Mr. President."

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Certainly, Mr. Secretary, that you have the right to do. I have thought over the objections which you raise. The difficulty not to act is as great as to act. For months I have labored to get the border States to consent to compensated emancipation. I have endeavored to convince them that it is for their best interest, but my labors have been in vain. The time has come for a forward movement. They will acquiesce; if not at once, they will in a short time. They will see that slavery has received its death-blow from the men who own slaves. They will see that slavery cannot survive the war. In regard to the party in the North, they will use their clubs against us, no matter which course we pursue.” (")

The people of the United States, as they opened their newspapers on the following morning, beheld the head-lines which announced the proclamation. The antislavery people thanked God; the proSept. 23. slavery uttered curses. Horace Greeley and the Chicago ministers were surprised. Mr. Lincoln had shut his chamber door on all the world. Twenty years had passed since Lucy Gilman Speed guided his troubled spirit into restful peace. His conduct of the affairs of the nation was based upon the precepts contained in the book which she had placed in his hands. Not with his Cabinet but with God had he first taken counsel. A third of a century had gone by since he stood a spectator in the slave mart of New Orleans and uttered a vow; alone in his closet he reaffirmed it and promised to strike a blow at slavery. He had kept his promise.

Word came to President Lincoln that members of McClellan's staff were making remarks which ought not to be made by army officers. Major Turner asked, "Why was not the rebel army bagged at Antietam ?"

"That is not the game. The object is that neither army shall get much advantage of the other; that both shall be kept in the field till they are exhausted, when we will make a compromise and save slavery," replied Major John J. Key.