relation to the increase of the woollen manufacture in the United States, the Boston Shipping List, under date of December 11, 1863, thus remarks:

"We have lately called attention to the rapid increase of woollen machinery, and the questionable policy of introducing woollen machinery into cotton mills now idle. The rush for woollens for some time past is starting up new mills in all directions. It is estimated that there has been added within the past eighteen months about 1,000 sets, an increase of 40 per cent., and manufacturers of machinery are full of contracts for several months in advance. The above does not include the woollen machinery in operation in Pennsylvania and other parts of the United States, which was not less than 1,000 sets eighteen months since, and the increase has doubtless been quite equal to the increase in the New England States. The product of all the machinery is estimated at from $135,000,000 to $150,000,000 worth of goods per annum."

For product of each State see Preliminary Report of Census for 1860, page 175.

Discriminations in favor of the Manufacturer.

Articles used in manufacturing, with duty annexed, under the Tariff of 1862:

Rate of Duty.

10 per cent.

5

Cowhides, raw.

Emeralds..

Diamonds..

5

free.

Pig tin.

Reindeer skins, raw.

Rubies...

Sheep-skins in the wool.
Shoddy.

Silk..

Skins, pickled..

66 dried..

66 fur, raw or undressed.

Muriatic acid..

Nickel..

Rags for the manufacture of paper..

Hair of alpaca goats and of other animals unknown, costing 18

cents per pound...

Wool, where the value is less than 18 cents per pound..
Wool, in the skin....

This last duty on wool admits a large portion of the raw material used by the woollen manufacturer substantially free. In 1863 there was imported into the United States 71,882,128 pounds, costing $12,290,630, averaging less than 17 cents per pound. The duty therefore on the quantity imported was about 8 mills per pound. The wool is of a very fair grade, although dirty. It comes directly in competition with the American wool-grower. It is a discrimination in favor of the manufacturer against the farmer. And upon this quantity imported the manufacturer charges upon the consumer the enormous bounty which the combined tariff and paper-money systems enable him to charge.

I have shown to what an enormous extent labor is being robbed by the unjust discriminations in favor of the privileged few. We punish the robbery of one individual by another. We hang those who take human life with malice prepense. But what shall we say of a Government which robs one class by wholesale to gratify the avarice of another, or of a Congress which takes away from the laboring poor the "means whereby they live," which is life itself to them? Even political economy, rising out of its unimpassioned logic into the higher sphere of moral science, contemplates the existence of such outrages only to denounce them with in

dignation. That great and good man to whom I have referred, and from whose lips I learned the lessons of political economy and moral science, Dr. Wayland, thus analyzes, reprehends, and pictures the consequences of such oppressive legislation as that now proposed. He says:

"The right of property may be violated by society. It sometimes happens that society or government, which is its agent, though it may prevent the infliction of wrong by individuals upon individuals, is itself by no means averse to inflicting wrong or violating the right of individuals. This is done where Governments seize upon the property of individuals by mere arbitrary act, a form of tyranny with which all the nations of Europe were of old too well acquainted. It is also done by unjust legislation; that is, when legislators, how well so ever chosen, enact unjust laws by which the property of a part or of the whole is unjustly taken away, or unjustly subjected to oppressive taxation.

"Of all the destructive agencies which can be brought to bear upon production, by far the most fatal is public oppression. It drinks up the spirit of a people by inflicting wrong through means of an agency which was created for the sole purpose of preventing wrong, and which was intended to be the ultimate and faithful refuge of the friendless. When the antidote to evil becomes the source of evil, what hope for man is left? When society itself sets the example of peculation, what shall prevent the individuals of the society from imitating that example? Hence, public injustice is always the prolific parent of private violence. The result is that capital emigrates, production ceases, and a nation either sinks down in hopeless despondence, or else the people, harassed beyond endurance and believing that their condition cannot be made worse by any change, rush into all the horrors of civil war; the social elements are dissolved; the sword enters every house; the holiest ties which bind men together are severed; and no prophet can predict at the beginning what will be the end."-Wayland's Political Economy, p. 115.

From the same wise source I have been taught that wars may keep the most enterprising and industrious nation always poor; and that had Great Britain not expended in wars the incalculable sums-almost equal to our own expenditures-which the past hundred years might otherwise have added to her operative capital, there would hardly have remained the recollection of poverty on her shores.

We are pursuing her career, with this difference, that in war we are our own enemies: while we are exhausting our foe we are exhausting ourselves. We are approaching the abysses of poverty, therefore, inconceivably faster than ever England did.

No scheme was ever before devised in this or any other country so sure to accelerate a nation to its downfall as the present and proposed tariff. No scheme ever operated so thoroughly and rapidly to transfer wealth from the pockets of the many to those of the few; from the hands of labor to the coffers of capital, and that, too, without a particle of consideration. If this system shall continue in operation even for the small period of five years, it will change the whole face of society in this country; nor can I fail to see that the rich, who are rioting in the honest gains of the poor man, may share with the poor the horrors of that future. If in this once happy and prosperous land, poverty rises with its ghastly multitudes, to cut the throat of wealth and then gash itself in the wild impatience of its own hard fate, let the authors of this war and its unequal burdens bear the crime and curse, and seek such mercy as Heaven may grant to those who despoil the poor for the gratification of their unhallowed avarice. Gradually we are approaching that terrible future. This iniquitous tariff system is accomplishing the results aimed at by the leaders of old Federalism-the distinctions of classes, the subjugation of labor

to capital, the degradation of the masses, and the inauguration of a concentrated and strong Government.

Hence, said I not truly that this question involved the problem of liberty? For the party in power, in addition to their oppressive taxation, strike at the individuality and independence of the States-the great distinctive and conservative feature of our national system, and which is absolutely essential to the preservation of the liberties of the people. They have established a paper-money banking system, under the control of the General Government, which concentrates power in the Administration for the time being, and gives it control over the property and pecuniary interests of the people. They expend the people's money without scruple or stint, never listening to the suggestions of economy nor the admonitions of prudence, nor heeding the sufferings which follow from the burdens of taxation. Here they vote appropriations for every conceivable project, constitutional or not. They squander the public lands, one of the sources of revenue which can help to relieve the people from taxation, on every conceivable project suggested by speculation. They boldly and shamelessly bring the power of the national Government, both civil and military, in conflict with the freedom of elections and the liberty of the press. They virtually suppress these great franchises of the American people. In short, the party in power has instituted a crusade of perfidy against the institutions of the country and the liberties of the people, which they preach with exulting and shameless audacity, on the pretext of preserving the Union.

As the proper concomitant of these acts we have this tariff system, which is to be thrust on the patience of a hitherto long-forbearing people. Will they meekly bow to this new burden? It may be that there is no retributive justice in Heaven. We cannot, however, yet believe that the almighty Ruler of nations has abandoned our bleeding country to the caprice and wickedness of the leaders of the party in power. Despotic thrones, supported by absolute authority, have in the lapse of time been shaken and have fallen before the wrath of the Supreme Avenger, manifested through the awful might and passion of outraged peoples. Such is the lesson of history. Warned by such examples, the men now in power in this country need not hope to escape that retributive vengeance which their crimes against our country and constitutional liberty so justly merit.

THE IMMENSE APPROPRIATIONS SINCE THE WAR.-FUTURE QUESTIONS OF FINANCE.

On the 2d day of March, 1865, Mr. Cox introduced a measure to divide the Committee of Ways and Means; and briefly pointed out the immense issues involved in the financial questions which the war had produced :

In relation to the division of the Committee of Ways and Means, I desire to show the importance and immensity of the labor imposed upon

that committee, with a view to a division of the labor. V Ways and Means into three committees. The Ways and M preserved, and their future duty is to provide "ways and mo raise revenue for carrying on the Government. This includ the tariff, the internal revenue, the loan bills, legal-tender other matters connected with supporting the credit and ra The amendments confine the duty of the Committee of Wa simply to ways and means. That was their original and pr

The proposed Committee on Appropriations have, under ment, the examination of the estimates of the Departmen sively the consideration of all appropriations. I need not o importance of having hereafter one committee to investiga heed all matters connected with economy. The tendency o to extravagance in private and in public. We require of t mittee their whole labor in the restraint of extravagant a propriations.

As to the Committee on National Banks and Curren necessarily connected with the other committees. They ha province. They have in charge all the banking interests o These interests are so connected by the relations of excha rency with bank issues and banking capital in the State much as one committee can well do to study these question is utterly impossible in the present condition of our fina committee can do all this labor, and do it as well as thes mand. The Committee on Rules do not by this measure m reflection upon the Committee of Ways and Means. The faithfully, but no set of men, however enduring their pat their habits, or gigantic their mental grasp, when overburd labor incident to the existing monetary condition of the co out of this unparalleled civil strife, can do this labor as we have a right to expect of their Representatives. Therefore divide the labor of the Committee of Ways and Means. and could not if we would, dim the lustre of their names the value of their services. I think that they have been the Speaker. They do not need any compliment from m necessary to mention them in order that the House may r spicuous ability, their indefatigable industry, their abunda their legal talents, and their knowledge of finance.

Each member of the Ways and Means has his Olympian; and as Spenser describes the gods,

"Each easy to be known by his own visnomie,

But Jove above them all by his great looks and power im

And yet, sir, powerfully as the committee is constit powers of endurance, physical and mental, are not adequ duty which has been imposed by the emergencies of thi It is an old adage, that "whoso wanteth rest will also w and even an Olympian would faint and flag if the burde not relieved by the broad shoulders of Hercules.

I might give here a detailed statement of the amo