thirty years the index to show how far toward the occulation is the orb of our destiny? Or is Mexico to be invigorated and renewed by a new life from this race of ours? May not the mines of Chihuahua and Guanajuato be made to glisten again under our energy? Will not the valley of the Aztecs again blossom as the rose, under a better dispensation of civil rights and social order? May not those mysterious palaces, buried deep in the solitudes of Yutacan, whose sculptured façades Stephens desired to rescue from destruction, again resound with the voice of life and blessing? May not the fisheries of the California Gulf become the source of a new trade, and its pearls deck the diadem of a new empire? These may be dreams, but I have yet to see the American who will not say that at some time and in some emergency the United States will "have to take charge" of Mexico, and, if necessary, gather up her mutilated members, and, by the charm of our polity, fit them to each other-articulation, tendon, muscle, bone, and sinew--and breathe into the form the soul of an active and benignant juvenescence !

If any Power interfere in Mexico, it must be either France, Spain, England, or the United States. The interference of Spain would only renew, with tenfold force, the antagonisms which now beset Mexico. Do we want England to make another Canada on our south; to hold us within her iron vice? But England has expressed the wish that we should interfere. The late accomplished Colonial Minister, Sir Edward Bulwer Lytton, gave voice to the best sentiment of the proud British mind, in the conclusion of his speech for the establishment of the British Columbia Government, on the 8th of July, 1858, when he said:

"I conclude, sir, with an humble trust, that the Divine Disposer of all human events may afford the safeguard of His blessing to our attempt to add another community of Christian freemen to those by which Great Britain confides the records of her empire, not to pyramids and obelisks, but to States and Commonwealths, whose history will be written in her language."

Some of England's statesmen have taunted us with having no foreign policy. We deserved the taunt. If rightly understood, England, sir, has nothing but pride in these outgrowths of her own strength; and she will have no protest to make against the honor and advancement of her own offspring. Laying England and the United States aside, what would be the result of a French interference? Not very remotely, a war of races for supremacy, not alone in Mexico, but on this continent. The Latin race and the Anglo-Saxon race cannot expand here without collision. The Anglo-Saxon, or rather the Anglo-American race, which is the best development of the Teutonic and Celtic, for adventure, enterprise, and martial success, has already combined the white races in America north of Mexico into liberal governments. History shows that that race has no returning footstep in its advancement. Is it desirable to array these elements here, in the face of this indomitable race?

An intervention by us, supporting a liberal Government like that of Juarez, which offers us free and safe intercourse, emigration, and religious toleration, with a stipulation by which our arms can be called in to crush anarchy and enforce order, is the only mode by which jealousy can be avoided and order established. A suffrage by which the felon and the inferior races of Mexico are restricted for a decade, would stay Mexico

from an inevitable relapse into barbarism, and, at the same time hancing property and promoting prosperity, reconcile every impa ment in Mexico to our salutary protectorate.

A year ago, when I suggested to this Congress that the junc upon us when we should stop marking time, and begin moving and that Congress was not up with the enterprise of the nation, th and Paris presses did me the honor to translate my speech, and t more importance than it merited, as the expression of what La newspaper was pleased to call the impetuosity of La Joven Amer expressed its amazement at the simple remark," that, if we cons now the elements of our people-martial, mechanical, intellectu cultural, and political-who will doubt that there are a dozen lo republics already fired up and ready for movement?" But, Mr. I put it to the members of this House, whether there be one cannot say, that at least one regiment combining such element mustered in each of the two hundred and thirty-seven districts of ted States? If legal sanction were given, either by the repeal of trality laws or by some other Governmental action, quadruple thi could be raised before the telegraph had finished clicking the ins telligence. That this is so, we cannot help. We should not des press, only to restrain it. However much our caution may con guard these elements, there is not an American who does not lurking, smiling approbation of this adventurous and elastic spi thrills the great nation of the New World! Call it what you wi fest destiny, territorial expansion, star of empire, La Joven Am even fillibusterism-it is here. We must make the best of i current be not properly restrained within its banks, if we neglect or unduly repress it, it will only spend its force violently and dis when once it takes its destined way!

Is there any American who wishes to consult European Po the propriety or policy of such an expansion? Is there any one a fatal blow from these Powers? We do not exist by the suf Europe, but by its insufferance. We did not grow to our pres ness by its fostering care; but by its neglect, and in spite of i lence. We do not ask its pardon for being born, nor need we to it for growing. It has endeavored to prevent even the legit tension of our commerce, and to confine us to our own continen we can buy Cuba of Spain, it is our business with Spain. If v take it, it is our business with Providence. If we must save M make its weakness our strength, we have no account to re Europe or its dynasties. A year ago, in glancing at European foresaw the portentous storm of the coming war. Scarcely ha guage been published, before the balance of power quivered ove and snapped like brittle glass, at an imperial yet sinister New Y ing in the Tuileries to the Austrian Minister. Soon the swor leon was thrown into the scales of Italian independence! The 1814 fell. The alliances of one year ago were blown into fragn the rifled cannon of Solferino. As a consequence of this con yet settled, all such alliances cannot be relied on to pursue us t end on this continent.

If European Powers choose to expand their empire and energize their people, we have no protests, no arms to prevent them. England may push from India through the Himalayas to sell her calicoes to the numberless people of Asia, and divide with France the empires of India, Burmah, and China. Civilization does not lose by their expansion. Russia may push her diplomacy upon Pekin, and her armies through the Caucasus, and upon Persia and Tartary; she may even plant her Greek cross again on the mosque of St. Sophia, and take the Grecian Levant into her keeping as the head of its Church and civilization. France may plant her forts and arts upon the shores of the Red Sea; complete the canalization of Suez; erect another Carthage on the shores of the Mediterranean; bind her natural limits from Mont Blanc, in Savoy, to Nice, upon the sea. Sardinia may become the nucleus of the Peninsula, and give to Italy a name and a nationality. Even Spain, proud and poor, may fight over again in Africa the romantic wars with the Morescoes, by which she educated that chivalry and adventure, which three centuries ago made her the mistress of the New World. She may demand territory of Morocco, as idemnity for the war. America has no inquiry to make, no protocol to sign. These are the movements of an active age. They indicate health, not disease-growth, not decay. They are links in the endless chain of Providence. They prove the mutability of the most imperial of human institutions; but, to the philosophic observer, they move by a law as fixed as that which makes the decay of autumn the herald of spring. They obey the same law by which the constellations change their places in the sky. Astronomers tell us that the "southern cross," which guarded the adventurer upon the Spanish main four centuries ago, and which now can be seen, the most beautiful emblem of our salvation, shining down through a Cuban and Mexican night-just before the Christian era glittered in our northern heavens! The same GREAT WILL, which knows no North and no South, and which is sending again, by an irreversible law, the southern cross to our northern skies, on its everlasting cycle of emigrationdoes it not control the revolutions of nations, and the vicissitudes of empires? The very stars in their courses are "Knights of the Golden Circle," and illustrate the record of human advancement. They are the type of that territorial expansion from which this American continent cannot be exempted without annihilation. The finger of Providence points to our nation as the guiding star of this progress. Let him who would either dusk its radiancy, or make it the meteor of a moment, cast again with nicer heed our nation's horoscope.

HAYTI AND LIBERIA.

COMMERCIAL QUESTIONS MORE IMPORTANT THAN RECOGNITION-BLACK REPUBLICS-NEGRO EQUALITY-COLONIZATION.

Delivered in the House of Representatives June 2, 1862.

Mr. Cox. I propose, in the few remarks which I shall make, to give something in brief of the history, condition, and commerce of Hayti and Liberia.

As far as relates to the history of Hayti, the very events by which it is marked, not only during the existence of slavery but since emancipation in 1793, show the inferior state of its civilization, and especially of its present negro rulers. From its discovery by Columbus in 1492, and the subsequent foundation of St. Domingo by the Spaniards, until its pillage in 1586 by the British Admiral Drake, devastation and the extermination of the aborigines by their former rulers appear to have been the only work. Hayti then fell partly under the power of French fillibusters, who, in 1630, took entire possession of and colonized the western portions of the island. The colony was recognized by France in 1677; and in 1697, at the congress of Ryswick, the French possession thereof was sanctioned by Spain, England, and Holland. From that period up to 1789, a period of ninety-two years, during which the French ruled, Hayti increased both in population and in commerce, and the statistics of the latter year bring the exports for the same at the high figure of 205,000,000f. (nearly $48,000,000). But the rude treatment of the slaves during this period ripened into revolution. Forgetting the unsuccessful attempt at rebellion of 1722, they rose en masse against their French masters in 1791, under the leadership of one Bonkman. After committing all sorts of atrocities, they completed their work by a massacre of all the white race, June 23, 1793, under Mayaca, another black chief. In 1794, France appointed Toussaint L'Ouverture, a negro, general-in-chief of the Haytien troops. This is the negro whom Wendell Phillips thought equal, if not superior, to George Washington. In 1795 Spain ceded to France the east part of the island. Soon after Toussaint declares the island independent. In 1802 the French General Leclerc, with twenty thousand French troops, lands at St. Domingo, surprises and makes Toussaint prisoner, and sends him to France. In the following year Dessalines, another negro chieftain, leads the blacks, beats the French, and drives off the island Rochambeau, Leclerc's successor, who is thereby compelled to surrender to the British fleet. After this Dessalines assumes imperial powers over the island, under the name of "James I." In 1806 he is assassinated, and, after Pétion's and Christophe's quarrels for the possession of the throne up to 1820, one Boyer assumes the power, and is proclaimed in 1822. France recognizes the independence of the island in 1825, and receives an indemnity of 150,000,000f. therefor. In 1843 Boyer is accused of tyranny and deposed. Hérard succeeds him; then Guerrier, in 1844; then Pierrot, in 1845; then Riché, in 1846; and then Soulouque, in 1847. While the negro presidents were thus succeeding one another, St. Domingo secedes in 1844, and constitutes itself an independent republic, under President Pedro Santana. France recognized the new republic in 1848; England in 1850. In 1849, August 26, Soulouque becomes Emperor, under the name of Faustin I. On December 22, 1858, a new revolution arises, led by Fabre Geffrard. On the 15th of January, 1859, Soulouque abdicates, and Geffrard is proclaimed President the same day. On March 18, 1861, St. Domingo asks to be annexed to Spain, and the request is granted by the queen on the 20th of the following May. The portion of the island thus annexed to Spain is by far the largest, though less populated. The Gotha Almanac gives it an area of 12,960 square miles; but from recent admeasurement by a French officer, it appears to have about 15,000

square miles, having a population of little over 200,000. The republic of Hayti has an area of 9,000, and by recent measurement 10,000 square miles, with a population of 560,000 inhabitants. Its revenue in 1859 was $1,762,500; expenditure, $972,572; debt to France, 60,000,000f. (about $11,250,000), the original debt of 150,000,000f. having been greatly reduced.

In the Commercial Relations for 1860, page 701, our commerce with Hayti is set down for all the ports. I know my friend from Massachusetts relies on a statement inserted in the speech of Senator SUMNER; and it is said to be made out in the Treasury. I greatly distrust any thing in the shape of figures about Hayti. There are money sharks about ready to trade in the business of shipping our negroes thither; and their motives for making figures are not always the most unselfish.

In his pamphlet speech, Mr. SUMNER gives the sums of $2,673,682 for one year's exports, and $2,062,723 for imports during the same period, ending September, 1860. There is a large mistake certainly in the imports here. The last returns of the general commerce of Hayti for 1859 give the following figures, viz.: Imports 9,000,000 Prussian thalers, little over $6,000,000; exports 12,000,000 thalers. The number of vessels employed in that trade was 310, measuring 61,420 tons, and of these 152 were American, 56 English, 54 French, and the other 48 of all nations. When we compare these figures with those shown in the returns of 1789, at which period the exports alone reach the sum of 205,000,000f. (about $48,000,000), we cannot help admitting the deteriorated state of the industrial capacities of the black Haytiens.

In relation to Liberia, the books of geography and statistics give the following information: Area about 25,000 square miles, population 200,000, colony founded in 1821; the territory purchased from the aborgines. Over twenty small sovereignties were thus extinguished. The declaration of independence and political existence as a Goverment dates in 1847, at which period they adopted a constitution somewhat similar to ours. They elect their president for two, their senators for four, and their representatives for two years. All men who own real estate to the amount of thirty dollars are electors. Their revenue is derived from duty on imports and the sale of public lands. These are sold at from fifty cents to one dollar and a quarter per acre. Their capital is Monrovia, besides which they have eight small towns and several minor settlements. The produce so far has been ivory, palm oil, common gold dust, coffee, sugar, cocoa, cotton, indigo, ginger, and arrow root. Horses and other draught animals do not prosper, and goods are brought on men's backs from long distances. The climate so far has been unhealthy. Communications, except by water between the sea-ports, are difficult from the absence of roads.

In Commercial Relations for 1860, page 680, I find the navigation and commerce of the United States with Monrovia during the four quarters ending September, 1860, to be as follows: exports $158,735.70, imports $126,276.59.

If there is any commerce with other ports of Liberia, it is not shown. In the pamphlet speech made by Mr. SUMNER on this bill, the exports to Monrovia are brought up to $200,000, and to the whole republic, to $400,000! Quite in contrast with the above statement.