Hamilton, for having, in conversation with Governeur Morris, expressed his confidence, that he could restore the Public Credit, Morris remonstrated with him for thinking of so perilous a position, on which calumny and persecution were the inevitable attendants. "Of that," Hamilton answered, "I am aware, but I am convinced, it is the situation in which I can do most good."

The bill to establish the "Treasury Department," was enacted the second of September, and on the eleventh of that month, Hamilton was commissioned as Secretary of the Treasury; and Knox as the head of the War DepartThese appointments were welcomed by the intel

ment.

ligent.*

A few days after, on the twenty-fifth, a communication was made to Hamilton by the President, containing a list of candidates for office, in which he observed, " Another paper, which I enclose, will show you how the appointments stand at this time; and, that you may have the matter fully before you, I shall add, that it is my present intention to nominate Mr. Jefferson for Secretary of State, and Mr. Edmund Randolph, as Attorney-General; though their acceptance is problematical, especially the latter.Ӡ This intention was carried into effect.

Immediately after Hamilton entered upon the duties of his office, the Committee of Ways and Means, were discharged from their deliberations, as to the necessary appropriations for the current service; and, he was order

* The patriot Trumbull, writes, "I almost envy you the friendship of Colonel Hamilton. However, till I have the honor of a personal acquaintance, I will not depose on oath, that he is half so great or good a man, as I think him." December 9, 1789.

Washington writes, iv. 27: "Mr. Randolph, in this character, I would prefer to any person I am acquainted with, of not superior abilities, from habits of intimacy with him."

ed to report an estimate on this subject, which was done. He was also directed to give a statement of the warrants which had been issued by the late Superintendent of Finance, and by the Board of Treasury. Several petitions were likewise referred to him.

To supply the immediate wants of the Government, he negotiated successive loans with the Bank of New York, and he addressed a letter to the American bankers in Holland, asking a provisional loan of three millions of florins, to be sanctioned by Congress.

The President having occasion to communicate some important matters to Congress, had requested the opinion of Madison, on the fifth of August, "whether an oral or written communication be best. If the first, what mode is to be adopted to effect it. I would thank you, my dear sir," he adds, "for amending the enclosed address, if you have leisure, by adding to or striking out such parts as you may think had better be expunged." Four days af ter, he stated to him his disinclination to oral communications, and asked an interview with regard to the appointment of Jay, to the bench.

It had been proposed in the Senate, that their advice and consent to appointments, should be given in the presence of the President; and a committee was appointed to confer with him, as to the proper mode of communication in the formation of treaties, and making appointments to offices.

After two conferences, the opinion of the President was adopted, that the rules of the Senate should provide for the reception of either oral, or written propositions ; and for giving their consent and advice in either the presence or absence of the President, leaving him free to use the mode and place, that might be found most eligible and accordant with his other business. With respect to

treaties, the President, at first, met the Senate in their chamber. This mode was soon discontinued.

On the twenty-fourth of September, the Judiciary bill having passed, the bench of the Supreme Court was filled, John Jay being appointed the Chief Justice; and John Rutledge of South Carolina, James Wilson of Pennsylvania, William Cushing of Massachusetts, Robert H. Harrison of Maryland, John Blair of Virginia, Associate Justices.

Harrison, who was at the head of the Judiciary of Maryland, declined this appointment, which drew from Hamilton the following letter: "My dear friend, after having labored with you in the common cause of America, during the late war, and having learnt your value, judge of the pleasure I felt in the prospect of a re-union of efforts in the same cause, for I consider the business of America's happiness as yet to be done.

"In proportion to that sentiment, has been my disappointment at learning that you had declined a seat on the bench of the United States. Cannot your determination, my dear friend, be reconsidered? One of your objections, I think, will be removed; I mean, that which relates to the nature of the establishment. Many concur in opinion, that its present form is inconvenient, if not impracticable. Should an alteration take place, your other objection will also be removed, for you can then be nearly as much at home, as you are now. If it is possible, my dear Harrison, give yourself to want men like you-they are rare in all times. your affectionate friend."

us. We

Adieu,

On the receipt of this letter, together with one from the President, enclosing the commission which Harrison had returned, he resolved to yield to the wishes of his friends; observing, at the time, "My dear Hamilton presses VOL. IV.-3

me too strongly;" but he soon after died, and his place was filled by a distinguished citizen of North Carolina-James Iredell.

Instances of this kind were rare, but the occasions were numerous in which Hamilton was compelled to perform the unpleasant duty of declining to encourage applicants for office, thereby rendering professed friends, active opponents.

Nor was this his only offence. The refusal to impart a knowledge of the system of finance he intended to recommend, was also a source of dissatisfaction. An occurrence of this kind took place with an officer of distinction, from the State of Virginia. To a letter inquiring the probable value of the domestic debt, and of the indents for interest, the following reply was given:"My dear friend, I have received your letter of the sixteenth instant. I am sure, you are sincere when you say, you would not submit me to an impropriety. Nor do I know that there would be any in answering your queries. But you remember the saying with regard to Cæsar's wife. I think the spirit of it applicable to every man concerned in the administration of the finances of a country. With respect to the conduct of such men, SUSPICION is ever eagle-eyed, and the most innocent things are apt to be misinterpreted. Be assured of the affection and friendship of-**

It was necessary, that time should be given for the organization of the Executive Departments. It was hoped, that the amendments of the Constitution recently recommended, and the progress of opinion, would induce Rhode Island and North Carolina, during the recess, to become members of the Union; and, it was feared, that Congress, if it continued in session, might precipitate indigested

*To Colonel Henry Lee.

measures of a more than doubtful policy. These, and other considerations, rendered it expedient that it should separate. It adjourned on the twenty-ninth of September; laws having been enacted for the Government of the North-western Territory; for the temporary establishment of the Post Office; defining the compensation of the officers of the three great Departments; providing for the negotiation of treaties with the Indians; for the payment of invalid Pensioners; regulating the processes in the Courts of the United States, and making appropriations for the service of the current year.

Hamilton, in the mean time, was devoting his whole thoughts to the public. A subject of paramount importance first occupied his attention. The vote of the House, as to discriminating duties, was an index of the feelings of the people. The Senate had expunged it, but its committee had reported, that it was expedient, to pass an act retaliating the restrictions imposed on the trade of the United States with the European settlements in America.

The views of the President were in unison with those

of a great majority of the nation. In a letter to the French Minister, written a short time before his election. to the Presidency, Washington stated: "I hope and trust, the ties which connect this nation with France, will be strengthened and made durable. In the mean time, there are three things which, I flatter myself, will counterbalance, on the side of the French commerce, the three advantages, of which I conceive the British merchants to be possessed. The circumstances to which I allude, are, first, the increasing prejudices of this country against a commercial intercourse with England, occasioned by

Ames, i. 70. We shall find business prepared by our great officers, and a weight given to national plans, they have not at present."