Sabbath. . . . Old Sir Charles Napier is quite proud of me; he introduced himself, has invited me to dine with him next Wednesday if I am in town. He says I speak like a Napier, and that is the highest expression of his opinion.

The speech delivered on this occasion has since been published by the Working Men's Lord's Day Rest Association.

CHAPTER V.

LORD CHANCELLOR.

And there he kept the justice of the king
So vigorously yet mildly, that all hearts
Applauded, and the spiteful whisper died.
TENNYSON, Enid.

On the conclusion of the Crimean war, the country had expected that the attention of the Government would be directed to questions of domestic reform, and that continental politics would cease to occupy the prominent position lately accorded them. Lord Palmerston, however, could not refrain from mixing himself up with what Mr. Disraeli called the little difficulties' of the hour. There was the 'little difficulty' with Persia, owing to the occupation of Herat; there was the little difficulty' with Central Italy, owing to the treatment of political prisoners by the King of Naples; there was the little difficulty' between Prussia and Switzerland about Neufchâtel; and now a little difficulty' arose

as to our relations with China.

instructions of the Government,

Thanks to the hasty

and to the still hastier

conduct of a bellicose civil servant, we became

engaged in active hostilities in the neighbourhood of Canton, owing to the seizure by the Chinese of a vessel

6

called the Arrow,' flying the English flag, engaged in piracy. The whole question turned upon the point whether the Arrow' was a British or a Chinese vessel. The matter was referred to Sir John Bowring, our plenipotentiary at Hong Kong, who at once decided that the ship was a British barque, and officially declared that unless the captured crew were released, and an apology offered, naval operations would be immedi ately commenced against the Chinese. The imprisoned crew were released as a matter of courtesy to British demands, though no apology was offered for their capture, since the Chinese asserted that the Arrow' was a Chinese and not a British vessel. Hereupon, the militant Sir John declared war, blew up the fort in the Canton river, and shelled Canton itself.

The whole matter naturally came before Parliament. Upon inquiry, it transpired that the Chinese authorities had throughout been in the right, and that our plenipotentiary at Hong Kong had acted with nefarious promptitude. The Arrow,' it was now discovered, was in no respect a British ship. She was built in China, she was owned by Chinese, she was manned by Chinese, and she was engaged in piracy. In both Houses the conduct of Sir John Bowring was severely commented upon. Lord Derby, in a brilliant

L

speech, brought forward a motion of censure, which was, however, defeated. Two days later, Mr. Cobden introduced his resolution condemning the conduct of the Government, and asking for a Select Committee to inquire into the matter. A keen debate occupying several nights now ensued, with the result that, on a division, ministers were defeated by a majority of 16. The motion of Mr. Cobden, much to the anger of Lord Palmerston, who warmly resented the factious combination' against him, was supported by members on both sides of the House; by Mr. Disraeli, Mr. Gladstone, Lord John Russell, Sir Bulwer Lytton, Mr. Roebuck, Mr. Roundell Palmer, Lord Robert Cecil, Mr. Milner Gibson, Sir Frederick Thesiger, and Mr. Sidney Herbert. Napier, who thoroughly disapproved of the murderous policy' of Sir John Bowring, voted in favour of the motion.

To the Prime Minister thus subjected to a vote of censure two courses were open-to resign office, or to appeal to the country. Lord Palmerston preferred the latter alternative. The case, said he, in his ministerial explanation, seemed to be of so peculiar a character that he had not thought it his duty to retire from power. He proposed, however, to dissolve Parliament and appeal to the constituencies as soon as the state of public business admitted the adoption of such a course. A fortnight proved itself sufficient to

settle the financial measures for the ensuing year; then Parliament was dissolved, and the country busied with the conflict and turmoil of a general election. Napier at once crossed over to Ireland, and made his appeal to his constituents.

I have never known (writes Mr. Gladstone, March 14, 1857, to Napier, between whom a correspondence had sprung up as to the tendency of the Palmerston policy) the prospects of a dissolution involved in so much uncertainty except as to Ireland. It is an honour to her that she is not involved in the delusion which has seized many persons in England. It is not, I think, in the towns, where the people can be addressed and reasoned with, that this is most seriously the case, but there is no doubt many of the gentry have a leaning to Lord Palmerston under the idea that he is Conservative-an idea which is mainly founded in the undoubted facts that his Government is both remiss and extravagant. But if Lord Palmerston should find in the first Parliament a majority who will only support him on condition of Radical measures, when he finds they are in earnest he will pay the price. It would indeed be a great good that political opinion should cast itself into forms and take effect in combinations more material and healthy than those that now exist, and I think it plain that although the evils of many years' growth cannot be remedied by a mere exertion of the will, yet the spirit in which you write is the spirit which when it attains to sufficient extension is most likely, under God, to bring about that result.

Napier was at this time in favour of a coalition.

As to parties (he writes to a friend-one of the pillars of the National Club) I see no hope of anything better than a