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Abolitionists adopted arms army arrest Articles of Confederation authority believe body Botts BOTTS'S Calhoun called cause citizen civil claim Confederate Congress Congress Constitution Convention Culpepper County declared Democratic party disunion Dutch Republic elected excitement execution Federal feeling force Fort Sumter friends gentlemen Governor hands honor interests issue J. E. B. Stuart John Johnson labor leaders legislative Legislature letter liberty Lincoln loyal loyalty ment military Missouri Compromise nation never North Northern oath offense opinion ordinance of secession pardon patriotic peace pledge political present President proclamation proposition purpose question rebel rebellion reconstruction repeal Republican repudiate resolution restored Richmond secessionists Senate slave slavery South Carolina Southern Democracy sovereignty speech stand Sumter territory test-oath Texas thing thousand tion traitors treason Union United Virginia vote Washington Whig Whig party whole Wilmot Proviso
Page 180 - That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively...
Page 399 - I would do it; and if I could save it by freeing all the slaves, I would do it; and if I could do it by freeing some and leaving others alone, I would also do that. What I do about slavery and the colored race, I do because I believe it helps to save the Union; and what I forbear, I forbear because I do not believe it would help to save the Union.
Page 37 - Every state shall abide by the determinations of the United States in congress assembled, on all questions which, by this confederation, are submitted to them. And the articles of this confederation shall be inviolably observed by every state ; and the Union shall be perpetual.
Page 399 - My paramount object in this struggle is to save the Union, and is not either to save or to destroy slavery. If I could save the Union without freeing any slave, I would do it; and if I could save it by freeing all the slaves, I would do it; and if I could do it by freeing some and leaving others alone, I would also do that.
Page 391 - It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves; and the intention of the lawgiver is the law. All members of Congress swear their support to the whole Constitution — to this provision as much as to any other. To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within the terms of this clause "shall be delivered up
Page 34 - The laws of the United States must be executed. I have no discretionary power on the subject ; my duty is emphatically pronounced in the constitution. Those who told you that you might peaceably prevent their execution deceived you ; they could not have been deceived themselves. They know that a forcible opposition could alone prevent the execution of the laws, and they know that such opposition must be repelled. Their object is disunion ; — but be not deceived by names, — disunion by armed force...
Page 180 - I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so.
Page 398 - This proposal makes common cause for a common object, casting no reproaches upon any. It acts not the Pharisee. The change it contemplates would come gently as the dews of heaven, not rending or wrecking anything. Will you not embrace it?
Page 391 - I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations and with no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules. And while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Congress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both in official and private stations...