turned out of doors by a lawless mob if they did not go in for it. As the President of the Convention, John Janney, Esq., said to a friend of mine, as he left the Convention on the day the ordinance was passed, "The proclamation was not the cause of secession, it only served as a bridge for the Convention to pass over on.

* For the following important statistics I am indebted to M'Pherson's History of the Rebellion, first edition.

In the year 1860, Mr. Floyd, then Secretary of War, sold and transferred from Northern to Southern arsenals the following arms:

Sold, 31,610 muskets, at $2 50 each; 25,000 do., do., to Belknap, of Texas; and 250,000, at $2 15 each, which Secretary Holt refused to confirm. Of arms transferred from Northern to Southern arsenals and states, there were, of percussion muskets, 105,000; rifles, 10,000; columbiads ordered, 110; and of thirty-two pounders, 11.

Of property seized by Southern States prior to March 4, 1861, there was in South Carolina, Fort Moultrie, Castle Pinckney, the United States Arsenal, with 70,000 stand of arms, with other stores; post-offices and custom-houses, with their contents; light-house tender, schooner William Aiken, steamer Marion, etc. The United States steamer was fired into, and Fort Sumter taken, before Mr. Lincoln issued his proclamation for 75,000 men.

Georgia had seized Forts Pulaski and Jackson, arsenal at Augusta, containing two twelve-pound howitzers, two cannon, and 22,000 muskets and rifles, large stores of powder, balls, grape, etc. They also seized the United States steamer Ida, brig N. R. Kilby, and seven other New York vessels, together with the Custom-house, with all the money therein.

Florida seized the navy yard, Forts Barrancas and M'Rae, Fort Mason, and arsenal at St. Augustine; the Chattahoochee Arsenal, containing. 500,000 musket-cartridges and 300,000 rifle do.; 50,000 pounds of powder, besides coast survey-steamer, etc.

Alabama had taken Fort Morgan, with 5000 shot and shell; Mount Vernon Arsenal, with 120,000 stand of arms, 150,000 pounds of powder, and a large amount of other munitions of war, and revenue cutter Lewis Cass.

Mississippi had taken the fort on Ship Island and United States hospital on the Mississippi River.

F

A RETROSPECTIVE GLANCE.

But this theme is so fruitful that I find it difficult to confine myself to proper limits. Let me get back to Washing

Louisiana had taken Forts Jackson and St. Philip, on the Mississippi, and Fort Pike, on Pontchartrain; arsenal at Baton Rouge, with 50,000 small-arms, four howitzers, twenty heavy pieces of ordinance, two batteries, and 300 barrels of powder, hospital, etc.; at New Orleans, the Mint and Custom-house, containing $599,303 in gold and silver, which was transferred to the Confederate government; the armament of the revenue cutter at Belleville, iron-works, quartermaster's and commissary's stores to a very large amount, and the revenue cutter M'Clellan.

Texas had taken the United States government stores on board steamer Texas, Forts Chadbourne and Belknap, Fort Brown, revenue cutter Dodge, $55,000 in specie, 35,000 stand of arms, twenty-six pieces of mounted artillery, forty-four dismounted do.; munitions, horses, wagons, forage, etc., amounting to about $1,300,000.

Arkansas had seized the arsenal at Little Rock, with 9000 stand of arms, forty cannon, and large quantities of ammunition.

On the 29th of February, 1861, four days before the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln, by act of the Confederate government, Mr. President Davis was directed to assume control of all military operations in the several states in rebellion, and was authorized to receive into government service such forces of these states as may be tendered for any time not less than twelve months, and on the 6th of March was authorized to employ the military and naval forces of the Confederate government to the extent of 100,000 men for twelve months.

In the spring of 1861, the Mobile Advertiser said, "During the past year 135,430 muskets have been quietly transferred from the Northern Arsenal at Springfield alone to those in the Southern States. We are much obliged to Secretary Floyd for the foresight he has thus displayed in disarming the North and equipping the South for this emergency. There is no telling the amount of arms and munitions which were sent South from Northern arsenals. There is no doubt that every man in the South who can carry a gun can be supplied from private or public sources. The Springfield supply alone would supply all the militia-men in Alabama and Mississippi."

ton in 1854, when, as I said, every patriotic heart was rejoicing at the prospect of harmony between North and South, because there was nothing for them to quarrel about. Yet in the first year of Mr. Pierce's administration the party began to quarrel among themselves over the spoils, and the appointments in New York had split the Democracy into the "Hard and Soft Shells," as they were called, and they were actually in that short time themselves demoralized and fearfully divided. It became necessary, therefore, to get up another exciting slavery issue for the canvass of '56. For a long time it puzzled their wits to find one, but one must be manufactured, and it was done.

Accordingly, on a certain Sabbath morning, some five or six leading secessionists met, whether accidentally or not I am not informed, and came to the conclusion that the most efficient and only means left of creating excitement and agitation, and of stirring up the worst passions of the multitude in sectional controversy, and of preparing an en

On the 13th of April, 1861, on the day of the fall of Fort Sumter, and two days before the proclamation of Mr. Lincoln, the Richmond Inquirer published the following article, "Attention, Volunteers! Nothing is more probable than that President Davis will soon march an army through. North Carolina and Virginia to Washington; those of our volunteers who desire to join the Southern Army, as it shall pass through our borders, had better organize at once for that purpose, and keep their army accoutrements, uniforms, ammunition, and knapsacks in constant readiness."

And it was after these most extensive robberies of public property, and still more extensive preparations for invading the Capitol at Washington -of taking possession of the archives of the government, and spreading Democracy and slavery over the whole country-that the most extraordinary consternation was produced on the public mind, and which ran every body crazy, when Mr. Lincoln called for seventy-five thousand men for his own protection, and the safety of the Capitol and all its archives.

tering wedge which would sooner or later enable them to split the Union in twain, would be the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, the first in the long series of compromises which had been received throughout the South at the time of its adoption as a great Southern triumph, which had become sanctified by the lapse of a third of a century, and had become consecrated in the hearts of the people. The result has shown that they calculated wisely as to the effect to be produced; for out of this iniquitous step has grown all our troubles, and the universal ruin that awaits us; and few gave more efficient aid to this outrage than the two senators Messrs. Mason and Hunter, whose state had just before declared that "such an act" would be just cause for a dissolution of the Union, and would be resisted "at all hazards, and to the last extremity."

Let it be borne in mind that, out of thirty millions of people, not one human being outside of the political circles in Washington had murmured or complained; not a single application from any quarter had arisen to justify this most unwarrantable and flagitious movement.

THE REPEAL OF THE MISSOURI COMPROMISE.

In the afternoon of that same Sabbath, these half dozen gentlemen waited on Mr. Pierce to communicate the result of their deliberations, and to represent to him the importance of the measure as a means of securing a Democratic triumph in '56. He declined to receive them, alleging that he did not transact political business on the Sabbath-so at least ran the gossip of Washington at that day, which also gave assurance that there were other "potent influences" besides those of a devotional nature that forbade the interview. Be this as it may, great, but temporary offense only, it was said, was given by this procrastination of a day; and

when the visit was repeated on the next day, and the subject was broached, Mr. Pierce was said to have been very decided in his opposition; his organ, the Union, certainly took very strong ground against it, but, of course, when it was made clear to his mind that this measure of abomination was indispensable to the success of the Democratic nomination in '56, which he hoped, and, perhaps, did not doubt would fall on his own shoulders, at least as a reward for his acquiescence, it did not require much time or labor to remove his objections; the temptation was too strong; he could wait no longer; he acquiesced, and took the matter under his own especial charge and management. At the same time, it was necessary to win over the "Little Giant of the West," the late Stephen A. Douglas, without whose co-operation, not only as Chairman of the Committee on Territories, but as the leader of a very formidable wing of the Democracy, there was no hope of its passage. To him, also, was the glittering prize of a nomination held up as a reward for any disinterested sacrifice he might make in the premises; the temptation was too strong for him too; he could resist no longer, and swallowed at one gulp all that he had so often committed himself to in the most unequivocal terms on the subject of this compromise; he became a competitor with Mr. Pierce, and it was from that time a struggle between the two which should play the most prominent part in the great drama that was to result in the bloodiest, most destructive, and costly civil war known to ancient or modern times.

There is much of this that, in the nature of things, there is no record proof to be found, but I give you what was generally spoken of in the political circles of Washington at that time every where received as true and authentic, and which has never, to my knowledge, been denied, and which