Constitution; he warned the King against "wicked and corrupt counsellors"; calling on him for redress "in the name of Justice, Law and Liberty, the Sovereign's prerogative and the Subject's birthright.' With regard to this Kingdom of Ireland (he stated), the Parliament of England has for some time treated it no better than if it were a conquered province or dependent colony. These Parliaments have been for the most part active: and made their oppressive, their iniquitous encroachments, while the Parliaments of Ireland were shamefully passive and most perfidiously yielding.

The Lord Justices refused to send forward this petition, and additional fuel was added to the fury of the election campaign. Lucas, with untiring energy, on 3rd June, 1749, began the issue of a weekly paper, The Censor, which appealed to a wider public, and was, if possible, more declamatory than his pamphlets in the assertion of the principles for which he pleaded, "while every incident relating to the misbehaviour or misconduct of his antagonists and their party, living or dead, was minutely traced and exposed." The replies of his opponents were no less vitriolic, and the terms of denunciation used by the various combatants would fill a lexicon.

In the fourth number of The Censor Lucas impugned the actions of Sir Richard Cox, who had been Lord Chancellor from 1703 to 1707, and Lord Chief Justice in 1710, and called him "one of the Knighted Ermined Villains of the perfidious Ministry of the late abused Queen Anne." This stung to the quick Sir Richard Cox, Member for Clonakilty, the grandson of the Lord Chancellor, who had been one of the Country Party (to use his own words) whilst such a party was thought to exist, but an enemy to faction as fit only for little noisy blustering fellows, who have nothing to lose by the confusion of a Country, and may hope to get by the success of a party1.

Cox became the most formidable antagonist of Lucas. The attack on the deceased Chancellor was answered by his grandson in a letter under the name of Anthony Litten, A Surgeon of Corke, who had lived in the family of the Judge. It was soon followed by the pamphlets already mentioned, entitled The Cork Surgeon's Antidote against the Dublin Apothecary's Poyson, For the Citizens of Dublin. In the inception Cox proclaimed his devotion

to our Great and Good King, George II under whom the subjects of this Kingdom have not only received such protection as good subjects should receive: but have been also treated in all respects with the tenderness of a natural parent. He has encouraged our trade, promoted our manufactures, 1 History of the Dublin Election, 1749, p. 38, Halliday Pamphlets, R.I.Ac. 1749.

defended our liberties, and in short, in his glorious reign have been laid the foundations for our becoming a rich, happy and flourishing people, and the foundations are wisely laid, for the superstructions rise upright, strong and beautiful, and unless we by our own mad frolics deviate from the plan they will be lasting too.

In the midst of all our happiness, for which all people are not alike thankful, because all do not sufficiently understand it, Providence has been pleased, for His own wise ends, which we cannot possibly find out, to permit the Vilest Incendiary that ever disturbed public or private peace first to set the good people of Dublin by their ears; then, not being satiated with contention within so small a circle, to apply his wicked arts to foment unhappy disputes between Britain and Ireland, and so involve us all in his mischievous projects1.

The war of vituperation on each side dragged on and pamphlet after pamphlet full of personalities was issued, answered and rejoined to. Then in November, 1748, appeared something phenomenal, a short pamphlet free from all personalities, not even mentioning the name of a candidate. It was A Free Briton's Advice to the Free Citizens of Dublin, signed in the name of the stoic, Helvidius Priscus, and inscribed with a text from Tully's Offices. It was followed by three other pamphlets, similarly addressed and similarly inscribed and signed. They dealt not at all with the particulars of the combat, but in exalted language narrated and applied to the contest of the day the stories of the vicissitudes of Freedom, as told in the histories of Greece and Rome, and, with these as texts, appealed in solemn tones to the voters to be intrepid, and guided by the generous spirit of Public Rectitude and Purity, uncowed by power and unbribed, to cast their votes as Freemen in this election. Thus might the good of their city be connected with the general good of the nation.

In the first of these addresses occurs this passage:

There are many cases wherein the virtues of a single person have roused a sinking nation from despondency to assert her former freedom, or prop'd her frame, when even the Spirit of Liberty was decay'd. If I have recourse to ancient History for the facts, none will, I am persuaded, think them less true because they were done long ago.

He then quotes the instance of Thrasybulus and the Thirty Tyrants. Thus Athens again saw herself her own mistress by the unshaken virtue and constancy of one man. But the Spirit of Liberty was not then quite lost. It was smothered not extinguish'd.

Then he cites the case of Phocion,

He came to the helm, it is observed, when the Public bottom was just upon sinking, and had only the shipwrecks of the Commonwealth to steer.

1 Cork Surgeon's Antidote, No. I, p. 7.

Thebes, another city of Greece, was ever look'd on with contempt by her neighbours, till the great and unparallel'd genius of Epaminondas pointed out the way to glory and taught her to command those whom before she had obey'd, but his life was short, tho' his merit compleat, and his fellow citizens had but time to wonder at him, not to imitate him.

From this passage sprung, no doubt, the tradition of Burke's comparison of Lucas to Epaminondas, but the tradition was perverted in the application. It is not satire of Lucas, it is admiration of his courage and of his patriotic and disinterested action.

The four Free Briton pamphlets are all reasoned pleas for Freedom. In style and substance and lofty political wisdom they are all redolent of Burke. This passage itself has the ring of Burke in it. The allusion to "Thebes ever look'd on with contempt by her neighbours," recalls his protests already quoted against Ireland being termed Boeotia1. Even the trick of elision of e in prop'd, look'd, unparallel'd, obey'd, is characteristic of the spelling in his early manuscripts.

The four Free Briton pamphlets are reproduced in the Supplement, and the reader can judge of them. They are submitted as written by Burke-by Burke from his rooms in Trinity, saturated with classic thought, detached from the sordid details of the political turmoil passing outside the college walls, but watching its course with patriotic anxiety for his country's welfare, and reasoning of the issues involved as already a statesman and a seer.

From Christmas, 1748, until October, 1749, no pamphlets appeared that have any similitude to Burke's composition; then, after the double vacancy had occurred, and Lucas and La Touche had combined in their candidature, and were addressing the Corporations in their halls from a common platform, there appeared, on 10th October, 1749, The Naked Truth, or Lucas and La Touche set Forth in their Proper Colours. It is signed "Philorhector" (sic). No printer's name is given; it was priced one penny. It is a stately contribution, altogether detached from the fanaticism of party, eloquent, generous, and inspiring. It is literature worth reading and has its application for to-day, just as when it came out on the eve of the Dublin poll, earnestly recommending every elector before you act to ask yourself this question, is it out of hope or fear, out of favour or affection, or a view of

1 See the poem Ballitore, ante p. 157, "Boetia's scornful name." See the Reformer, No. I, post p. 297; ante p. 162.

See the inscription to The Schoolmaster's Letter. "Helvidii Prisci, maximae spei juvenis nunc Romanae historiae studiosissime incumbentis Praeceptor." (Camb. Univ. Library, Hib. 3,748. 15.) Post p. 336.

rewarding the meritorious and serving the public, you intend to give your vote? Never determine 'till you can satisfy yourself with a reasonable answer. Which done you may possibly act a mistaken, but certainly an honest part.

The pamphlet breathes of Burke in every line. The author tells how, in the case of one of the candidates (Lucas)—

Some extol him as a Hero, a disinterested Patriot, a strenuous asserter of Liberty, others again represent him as the ringleader of a faction, a pestilent fellow, a mover of sedition, an impudent Detractor, a Traitor to his King and Country. These so-widely differing sentiments are enough to raise anyone's curiosity, as they did mine, to know more of this Extraordinary Phenomenon, which I can compare to nothing so well as to a Comet in the Heavens, which affords pleasure to some in observing the traces of a regular course, and conjecturing what good influences it may shed upon our system, while it affects others with horror, who look upon it as a prodigy portending dreadful calamities to the nation that beholds it.

Dr. Lucas was the first that spoke...he hath all the knacks of the orator, and seems capable of working upon the various affections of his audience, as Timotheus, the Musician, is said to have moved Alexander to love or arms by the modulations of his lyre. His aim was to give the citizens a sense of certain grievances and oppressions, in order to dispose them not to mutiny and rage, but to the careful choice of faithful, vigilant and active representatives. He used, indeed, some very severe expressions in the more elevated parts of his oration. These, however, he grounded upon facts; which if he can maintain for true ones, perhaps those expressions are but too justly deserved by the persons against whom they are pointed. If some people think their station gives them a privilege to do wrong, people in a lower sphere are often apt to think they have a right to tell it. Besides a good deal of indulgence should be given to popular orators, who generally take bolder flights in painting a calamity, or exposing an adversary, than are used in common conversation.

It must however be acknowledged that he speaks like one severely touched by affliction, with great warmth and openness upon that nice subject, the Dependence of the Irish Parliament upon the British. So that he is charged by his adversaries with creating a needless discontent in the minds of the people, with having done as imprudent, as inhumane an action as hushing birds about an aviary, under pretence of delivering them. In the nature of things, to be sure, we have as good a title to freedom as any nation upon earth, i.e. that is to be governed by laws framed by our own representatives; and by solemn consent the King of England is ours. Perhaps thro' oversight, or it may be the necessity of our affairs, a share of our privileges as a Kingdom in this sense independent, hath slipped out of our hands. And tho' we may feel some hardships in consequence of the power which the British parliament hath obtained over us, in some in

stances, yet it is beneficially applied in others. Consequently we should guard our rights, or demand what we have a claim to from our benefactors with good humour, and avoid giving offence to a people that can do us incredible damage only by withdrawing their favours. But within those limits it is the confessed duty of every member, and of Mr Lucas in particular, be his station what it will, to contend for the rights of the community. For if it be even allowed that by reason of our weakness we are become dependant for the sake of protection against the assaults of foreign or domestick enemies, as the members of a single state lodge power in the hands of a few for their mutual security, still there is a certain balance of power which we should carefully maintain, just as the popular part of a constitution keeps means to preserve itself from sinking under the growth of prerogative.

Now if with this it should be granted that his zeal has carried him too far, yet it is a zeal for liberty, and therefore ought to be tenderly treated. One would be apt to imagine that the orator had gotten a view of that bright goddess during some of his lucubrations, such a view as Horace pretends to have had of Bacchus instructing the nymphs and satyrs, whereby he was as it were raised out of himself, and was actuated afterwards by the strong impressions it left upon his soul.

The request he makes of the citizens can't be too much revered. 'Tis for them to be free, to judge for themselves, to lay aside the influences of passion and sordid interest, and to act in such manner as they can account for upon reasonable principles. Can anything be fairer?

He then turns to La Touche, speaking in high terms of him— The prospect of power or a title did not corrupt him, therefore he is not ambitious; he is possessed of a plentiful fortune, therefore it is to be presumed he is above being bribed; trade is his profession, he is therefore qualified for representing a trading city, as he hath made it his study, he must know what will improve or hurt it; as his fortune is concerned, he must have its interest at heart; and that he is strongly attached to the cause of Liberty his whole conduct demonstrates.

This pamphlet is printed in the Appendix. It is submitted with confidence that it was written by Edmund Burke. If the reader agrees with this view he can judge from its contents how preposterous is Prior's statement that "Dr Charles Lucas was the subject for the exertion of Burke's sarcastic wit," and Croly's variation of it "that while but a student at the University he had been roused by his indignation at fictitious patriotism to write as a tribute to good order" against Lucas1.

Parliament met on 10th October, 1749, the very day of the issue of this pamphlet. Strange events took place. Lucas' enemies had determined he should never come to the poll. The Lord-Lieutenant,

1 Prior, 2nd edition, p. 191.