matic dealing which entitle the President to the honors of an astute statesman.

The opening of the dispatch is Mr. Seward's first draft as corrected by himself. The President's revision begins with the direction to leave out the paragraph, "We intend to have a clear and simple record of whatever issue may arise between us and Great Britain." He seemed to see no reason for harshly reproving Mr. Dallas; and so he modified the expression, "The President is surprised and grieved," to the President "regrets." With the multiplicity of facts crowding his mind, he yet did not forget that no explanations had been demanded of Great Britain; and so he wrote in the margin: "Leave out, because it does not appear that such explanations were demanded." He did not care to reflect upon the body of our representatives abroad, and therefore he struck out the sentence on that subject, which is marked. He crossed out " wrongful" and wrote "hurtful," showing a knowledge of the exact value of words worthy of a Trench. A wrongful act implies intention to harm, but in the word "hurtful" the charge of intent is not found. In the unsettled condition of the question of recognizing the Southern Confederacy, he did not deem it best to threaten; and so, instead of "No one of these proceedings will be borne by the United States," he first substituted "will pass unnoticed,"

for "borne," and then, strengthening his own expression somewhat, he finally wrote "will pass unquestioned."

In discussing the question of privateers, Lincoln wrote "Omit" opposite another threat in the expression, "the laws of nations afford an adequate and proper remedy, and we shall avail ourselves of it." This last clause he struck out. An examination of the fac-simile will at once disclose the nature of the more extensive changes that were made. The close of the letter exhibits further examples of minor corrections which are of exceeding interest. The changes in one sentence are especially noteworthy. "If that nation will now repeat the same great crime," wrote Mr. Seward. "If that nation shall now repeat the same great error," amended Lincoln. "Social calamities" he changed to "social convul sions," as if he had in mind that, in the end, the results might not prove calamitous, however great the convulsions. The paper will bear long study, and no one can examine it without acquiring a new and more exalted estimate of Lincoln's many-sided powers.

Frequent efforts have been made to obtain a copy of the draft here published, but, even when backed by the authority of Congress, they have failed in securing it.

In the Forty-fourth Congress, first session, in the

Senate, on Tuesday, June 6, 1876, Senator Boutwell offered, for present consideration, this resolution, to which he said he supposed there would be no objection :

"Resolved, That the President be requested, if not in his opinion inconsistent with the public interests, to furnish the Senate with a fac-simile copy of the original draft of the letter of the Secretary of State to the Minister of the United States, at the Court of St. James's, in May, 1861, in relation to the proclamation of Her Majesty, the Queen of Great Britain, recognizing the belligerent character of the Confederate States."

There being now no valid objection to its publicity, I have availed myself of an opportunity of giving to the public the draft of this famous diplomatic dispatch; and, in order to make the comparison less difficult, the dispatch also is given in full, as printed in the official correspondence, page by page, with notes of the corrections made in the draft as addenda to each page.

Of the value of this volume I may speak without vanity, as my function has been that of collector only. The contributors took an earnest and generally a conspicuous part, each in his own field, in the great American struggle for nationality and freedom. I have not sought to eliminate statements with which I disagree, nor to prevent the occasional

conflict of testimony which results from that inherent fallibility of human evidence that sometimes troubles, however slightly, even the highest sources of authority. Each writer reports what he himself believes, or saw, or heard, and stands sponsor for his own contribution to these interesting memoirs.

It has been necessary to postpone the publication of many essays as interesting and as valuable as those embraced in this collection; for, in my desire. to secure the testimony of every eminent associate of Lincoln, I endeavored to leave no prominent American of the war period uninformed of the work in progress. These additional essays will appear at

a later day.

The public, I venture to believe, will look with sincere satisfaction upon the result obtained through the prompt and able co-operation of the distinguished contributors to these reminiscences. For the time is fast coming when we shall seek in vain for survivors of the dark days that fashioned the career of Abraham Lincoln. Already, within the brief period of one year, death has stricken many names from the list among them the historic ones of Grant, McClellan, Hancock, and McDowell. Yet a little while, and few witnesses will remain to tell the tale. And coming generations will remember with tenderness the recorded words of the greathearted statesman to whom every sorrow of the

nation was more than sorrow of his own. They will dwell fondly upon his pathetic simplicity, and with pride upon his rare and splendid gifts. With peculiar affection they will recall his every utterance, grave or humorous. They will recollect with gratitude the devoted patriotism which guided him through all, and they will remember with keen sorrow the calamity of his tragic end.

ALLEN THORNDIKE RICE.

No. 10.]

THE DISPATCH AS PRINTED.

DEPARTMENT OF STATE,

WASHINGTON, May 21, 1861.

SIR: This Government considers that our relations in Europe have reached a crisis in which it is necessary for it to take a decided stand, on which not only its immediate measures but its ultimate and permanent policy can be determined and defined. At the same time it neither means to menace Great Britain nor to wound the susceptibilities of that or any other European nation. That policy is developed in this

paper.

The paper itself is not to be read or shown to the British Secretary of State, nor are any of its positions to be prematurely, unnecessarily, or indiscreetly made known. But its spirit will be your guide. You will keep back nothing when the time arrives for its being said with dignity, propriety, and effect, and you will all the while be careful to say nothing that will be incongruous or inconsistent with the views which it contains. [See Page 1 of fac-simile copy.