plough for the tented field. On any emergency, they left the quiet and safety of their homes, to share in the danger of the battle. They left their own firesides, to mingle in the severer duties of the army.

From April, 1775, to October, 1781, the militia of the whole country were required to be in constant readiness for active service. They knew not at what hour, on what day, or in what week their services would be demanded. They slept upon their arms. They went forth to the field of labor with their arms by their side. Early and late, they were prepared to meet the enemies of their country. Their pecuniary means, their accumulated substance, all were offered at the altar of patriotism, to meet the exigencies of the republic. Nothing was withholden from her use, which could contribute to her advantage. The enemies at home, the foes from within, required the unremitted watchfulness of the militia. To expose the treachery of toryism demanded the exercise of all their vigilance, their firmness, their perseverance.

The peculiar services and sacrifices of the militia during the war of the revolution give to that class a powerful claim upon the justice of the common country. For these services, for these sacrifices, they could not have been paid. The debt is yet due; it still remains unsatisfied; and on every consideration, the militia are equally well entitled to the benefit of the pension system as any other class of revolutionary soldiers.

It was the pure patriotism, it was the unwavering devotion to the best interests of the republic, it was the virtue and the valor of the militia, that gave to our cause an impulse which was irresistible, an impulse which the whole. physical force of England, aided by her subsidized Hessians, proved wholly incompetent to control and to vanquish.

The battles of Lexington, Concord, Bunker Hill, taught the enemy that the soil of freemen could not be invaded with impunity, that the spirit of freemen could never be subdued

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by skill however consummate, by force however powerful. The enemy then saw and felt too much not to believe that the sacred soil of freemen might be run over, but could not be conquered. Were it necessary to advert to events to show forth the value of the militia, I would direct your attention to every great battle that was fought in the war of the revolution.

At the north, it was the militia that gave a turn to our hostile operations, which inspired confidence in the cause of America. The battle of Bennington, under the brave Stark, of my own State, with his regiments of militia, after a series of disaster and defeat had attended the army in Canada and upon the lakes, served to animate the drooping spirit of despondency, to fill the soul of patriotism with hope, with confidence, with courage.

In the south as well as in the north, the militia of the country was equally distinguished for the purity of its patriotism and the ardor of its zeal. If any invidious foe to our country has cast imputations upon the bravery and the conduct of our militia at any particular period of that war, it should be replied, that want of discipline not want of heroism subjected our militia in certain memorable battles to great disadvantages.

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There was no cowardice, no treachery in the composition of the militia. In every battle fought, in every victory won they were breast to breast, side by side with State and Continental troops. When the enemy of the country cried havoc and let slip the dogs of war," the militia came forth in their might. All the battles of 1775, before a regular army could have been organized, of Lexington, of Bunker Hill, of Ticonderoga, of St. Johns and of Norfolk, evince the most unwavering courage and conduct. If a doubt could be supposed to exist as to the value of the militia service in the war of the revolution, I would refer to the battles of Fort Moultrie, of Bennington, of Saratoga, of Long Island, of Trenton, of Germantown, and of York Town. These

engagements speak a language which cannot be mistaken and which will not be forgotten.

I will here advert to one fact, showing the general enthusiasm which pervaded the whigs of that day in favor of the cause of their country. At the great battle of Saratoga, when the hope of success had nerved the arm of every soldier, the commanding general addressed a communication to the Assembly of New Hampshire, then in session, for more men. The Assembly was under the direction of our venerated Langdon. The communication was read, and without delay the field of legislation was exchanged for the field of battle. Langdon and his friends flew to the aid of Gates and of their country. Victory followed. Burgoyne was captured, and public confidence was revived. And now, Sir, is there any man in this committee who would wish to humble that noble, proud and patriotic spirit, by withholding justice from the militia and extending it to the troops of the Continental army? I will not believe it. I cannot for a moment believe that at this day of general prosperity, the representatives of this free republic would be or could be disposed by such partial legislation to do such great injustice.

We are now happy at home, enjoying every blessing which can pertain to freemen. We are respected abroad, participating in every right guarantied to the most honored nation. We cannot fail to realize, that every interest of our beloved country is most prosperous. Every citizen in this great republic is made secure in the enjoyment of all his rights, by the moral influence of our free institutions. How wonderful have been the practical effects of the American revolution! How great has been the advance of our general population, the march of improvement, the progress of the arts! Our extended and extending West comes forth in all her majesty, in all her physical and moral power, to bear evidence to the wondering world of the great and glorious fruits of the revolution. The cause of learning, the pure

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spirit of christianity trace their astonishing advancement to the impulse received at that eventful period. The science of self-government, the free institutions of our land, rest upon a deep and enduring foundation, laid in the war of the revolution. In every latitude, in every region, in every part of Christendom, are to be found the effects of American genius, American enterprise, and of American industry.

And while we contemplate the universal prosperity and happiness which pervades our land, can we fail to take a retrospect, and bring to mind, by whose efforts and energies, by whose services and sacrifices these invaluable blessings have been secured? In the dark days of the revolution our beloved country was poor, of limited resources, little able to fulfil to the letter her engagements; her soldiers were neither fed nor clothed nor paid according to the stipulation of the government; the general currency of the country was greatly depreciated. These unfailing friends could not at such a time have received their honest, their just demands.

Nevertheless their devotion to her cause suffered no change. Through good report and through evil report, in her prosperity and in her adversity, they went for their country and for nothing but their country.

Let us then unite with one mind and with one heart to effect a satisfactory payment of this debt, a debt which we should most willingly admit, a debt which our country is now well able satisfactorily to discharge. And shall we stop, the descendants of our revolutionary fathers, the children of the patriots of that day; shall we, freemen, the native sons of the soil, stop to calculate the dollars and cents, the pounds and the pence which the passage of this bill may annually draw from our treasury. God forbid. I would have never entered upon any such inglorious work, had it not have been time and again reiterated, that the passage of such a bill as this would impoverish our country, bring ruin upon our republic. I would pass this bill, were I cer

tain that the consequent exaction upon me would require the surrender of the better half of my estate. I would then have left the consolation that the claims of our revolutionary patriots had been satisfied, without whose triumphant efforts every thing here would have been valueless; political rights and political privileges would have been any thing but political blessings.

But calculations have been made. It is true that all computations touching this subject must be founded somewhat in conjecture. It is impossible to arrive at absolute certainty.

The sum of the whole matter is, that if this bill should now pass, for a few years to come a million of dollars may be required to carry its purposes into full effect. But it can only be required for a few, a very few years. The surviving soldiers of the revolution have already passed that boundary which has been assigned by high authority as the duration of human existence.

If by reason of their strength they should continue until four score years, yet will their strength be labor and sorrow. They must be soon cut off; their places will soon know them no more for ever. The day of their departure must be at hand — their years must be nearly numbered. While I am now speaking, I am forcibly reminded that even this short delay may operate to the injury of some faithful veteran of the revolution. I am reminded that, while I am staying the progress of this bill, the spirits of many of those unfailing friends of the country may have mingled with the kindred spirits of just men made perfect. I am reminded by the journals of the day, by every newspaper that I take into my hands, that here and there the brave founders of the republic are daily increasing the congregation of the dead. I am reminded by the kind letter of a reverend clergyman in this city, received since I came into this hall, that one for whose relief a bill had been prepared has been gathered to his fathers. I cannot fail to be reminded by these events