Here we must make a distinction which will, in the course of this article, be seen to be of vital importance. It is often assumed that the necessary basis for such popular administration is secured by referring all important proposals to the vote of the whole body concerned. But the "continuous" assent of the "governed," which is so indispensable a condition of all trade-union government, is an assent, not to the projects, proposals or programs of the governing body, but to the actual working results of its administration week by week. The average member expects from his trade union certain tangible advantages, in the shape either of friendly-society benefits or of improved conditions of work. By what expedients these ends are to be attained the constitutional form, the particular trade regulation, the exact scale of receipts and payments — is a matter upon which the great mass of citizens, the "common lump of men," have no opinion of their own. The more activeminded among the members are, it is true, ready enough to vote one way or the other on any question that may be put before them. But even the keenest trade-unionist judges his society by results alone; and if these are not to his liking, the fact that he is but suffering the consequences of his own vote will not prevent him from denouncing or abandoning an executive which has perhaps done no more than carry out his orders. It may at first sight seem that this comes only to saying that a trade-union government, to be popular, must secure the welfare of the governed. But this is quite beside our meaning. Tradeunionists, like other classes, are not prepared to accept implicitly the judgment of even the wisest of their own leaders as to what they should aim at. Whether or not a particular trade-union regulation promotes the real well-being of the members, — a point on which opinions will always differ, and on which no final judgment can ever be passed, it must at any rate commend itself to them week by week by obtaining, if only imperfectly, what they actually desire, whether this is good for them or not. In short, the continued success of trade-union administration depends on obtaining the members' approval, not so much of each separate act of the executive, or even of each

piece of tactics or line of policy, but of the actual results which these expedients produce in the every-day life of the trade concerned. Thus democracy, which in the affairs of a nation is only one among several alternative forms of government, is in trade-unionism the only possible basis of association. Tradeunion history is, therefore, the record of a century-long experiment in every variety of popular self-government.

In the local trade clubs of the eighteenth century, democracy appeared in its simplest form. The members of each trade, in general meeting assembled, themselves made the regulations, applied them to particular cases, voted every expenditure of funds, and decided on such action by individual members as seemed necessary for the common weal. Like the citizens of Uri or Appenzell1 the eighteenth-century workmen were slow to recognize any other authority than "the voices" of all concerned. The early rules were accordingly occupied with securing the maintenance of order and decorum at these general meetings of "the trade" or "the body." With this view the president, often chosen only for the particular meeting, was treated with great respect and invested with special, though temporary, authority. Thus the constitution of the London Society of Woolstaplers, established 1785, declares

that at every meeting of this society a president shall be chosen to preserve the rules of decorum and good order; and if any member shall not be silent on due notice given by the president, which shall be giving three distinct knocks on the table, he shall fine threepence; and if any one shall interrupt another in any debate while addressing the president, he shall fine sixpence; and if the person so fined shall return any indecent language, he shall fine sixpence more; and should any president misconduct himself, so as to cause uproar and confusion

1 The early trade-union general meetings have, indeed, many interesting resemblances, both in spirit and in form, to the Landesgemeinden, or general meetings of all citizens, of the old Swiss Cantons. The best description of these archaic Swiss democracies, as they exist to-day, is given by Eugène Rambert in his work Les Alpes Suisses: Études Historiques et Nationales (Lausanne, 1889). J. M. Vincent's State and Federal Government in Switzerland (Baltimore, 1891) is more precise and accurate than any other account in the English language. Freeman's picturesque reference to them in The Growth of the English Constitution (London, 1872) is well known.

in the society, or shall neglect to enforce a strict observance of this and the following article, he shall be superseded, and another president shall be chosen in his stead. The president shall be accommodated with his own choice of liquors, wine only excepted.1

And the Articles of the Society of Journeymen Brushmakers, to which no person was to be admitted as a member "who is not well-affected to his present Majesty and the Protestant succession, and in good health, and of a respectable character,' provide

that on each evening the society meets there shall be a president chosen from the members present to keep order; to be allowed a shilling for his trouble; any member refusing to serve the office to be fined sixpence. If any member dispute on politics, swear, lay wagers, promote gambling or behave otherwise disorderly, and will not be silent when ordered by the chairman, he shall pay a fine of a shilling."

The rules of almost every old society, indeed, focus the attention of its members on this general meeting. Whilst political or religious wrangling, seditious sentiments or songs, cursing, swearing or obscene language, betting, wagering, gaming or refusing to keep silence were penalized by fines, elaborate and detailed provision was made for the entertainment of the members. Meeting, as all clubs did, at a public house in a room lent free by the landlord, it was taken as a matter of course that each man should do his share of drinking. The rules often prescribe the sum to be spent at each meeting; in the case of the Friendly Society of Ironfounders, for instance, the member's monthly contribution in 1809 was a shilling "to the box," and threepence for liquor, "to be spent whether present or not.' The brushmakers provided "that on every meeting night each member shall receive a pot ticket at eight o'clock, a pint at ten o'clock, and no more.' "8 And the Manchester compositors

1 The Articles of the London Society of Woolstaplers (London, 1813).

2 Articles of the Society of Journeymen Brushmakers, held at the sign of the Craven Head, Drury Lane (London, 1806).

3 Articles of the Society of Journeymen Brushmakers, held at the sign of the Craven Head, Drury Lane (London, 1806). The account book of the little Preston Society of Carpenters, whose membership in 1807 averaged about 45,

resolved in 1826 "that tobacco be allowed to such members of this society as require it during the hours of business at any meeting of the society." 1

After the president the most important officers were, accordingly, the stewards or marshalmen, two or four members usually chosen by rotation. Their duty was, to use the words of the cotton-spinners, "at every meeting to fetch all the liquor, and serve it regularly round";2 and the members were, in some cases, "strictly forbidden to drink out of turn, except the officers at the table or a member on his first coming to town." 3 Treasurer there was often none, the scanty funds, if not consumed as quickly as collected, being usually deposited with the publican who acted as host. Sometimes, however, we have the archaic box with three locks, so frequent among the gilds; and in such cases members served in rotation as "keymasters," or, as we should now say, trustees. Thus the Edinburgh shoemakers provided that "the keymasters shall be chosen by the roll, beginning at the top for the first keymaster, and at the middle of the roll for the youngest keymaster. If any refuse the keymaster, he shall pay one shilling and sixpence sterling." The ancient box of the Glasgow Ropemakers Friendly Society shows an expenditure at each meeting of 6s. to 7s. 6d. As late as 1837 the rules of the Steam-Engine Makers Society provided that one-third of the income-fourpence out of the monthly contribution of a shilling-"should be spent in refreshments." Some particulars as to the dying away of this custom are given in our History of Trade-Unionism, pp. 185, 186.

1 MS. Minutes of the Manchester Typographical Society, 7th March, 1826.

"4

2 Articles, Rules, Orders and Regulations made and to be observed by the Friendly Associated Cottonspinners within the township of Oldham (Oldham, 1797).

8 Friendly Society of Ironfounders, Rules, 1809. The Rules of the Liverpool Shipwrights Society of 1784 provided also "that each member that shall call for drink without leave of the steward shall forfeit and pay for the drink they call for to the stewards for the use of the box. That the marshalmen shall pay the overplus of drink that comes in at every monthly meeting more than allowed by the society; and no member of this society is allowed to call for or smoke tobacco during club hours in the club room; for every such offence he is to forfeit and pay fourpence to the stewards for the use of the box."— Articles to be observed by a Society of Shipwrights, or the True British Society, all Freemen (Liverpool, 1784), Articles 8 and 9.

* Articles of the Journeymen Shoemakers of the City of Edinburgh (Edinburgh. 1778) a society established in 1727.

(established 1824), elaborately decorated with the society's "coat of arms," was kept in the custody of the president, who was elected annually. Down to within the last thirty years the custom was maintained on the "deacons' choosing," or annual election day, of solemnly transporting this box through the streets of Glasgow to the house of the new president, with a procession of ropespinners headed by a piper, the ceremony terminating with a feast. The keeping of accounts and the writing of letters was a later development, and when a clerk or secretary was needed, he had perforce to be chosen from the small number qualified for the work. But there is evidence that the early secretaries served, like their colleagues, only for short periods, and occupied, moreover, a position very subordinate to the president.

Even when it was necessary to supplement the officers by some kind of committee, so far were these infant democracies from any superstitious worship of the ballot-box, that, although we know of no case of actual choice by lot, the committeemen were usually taken, as in the case of the Steam-engine Makers Society "in rotation as their names appear on the books." 3 "A fine of one shilling," say the rules of the Southern Amicable Union Society of Woolstaplers, "shall be levied on any one who shall refuse to serve

1 General Laws and Regulations of the Glasgow Ropemakers Trade Protective and Friendly Society (Glasgow, 1884). The members of the Glasgow Typographical Society resolved, in 1823, "that a man be provided on election nights to carry the box from the residence of the president to the place of meeting, and after the meeting to the new president's house.” — MS. Minutes of general meeting, Glasgow Typographical Society, 4th October, 1823.

2 The selection of officers by lot was, it need hardly be said, frequent in primitive times. It is interesting to find the practice in the Swiss Landesgemeinden. In 1640 the Landesgemeinde of Glarus began to choose eight candidates for each office, who then drew lots among themselves. Fifty years later Schwyz followed this example. By 1793 the Landesgemeinde of Glarus was casting lots for all offices, including the cantonal secretaryship, the stewardships of dependent territories, etc. The winner often sold his office to the highest bidder. The practice was not totally abolished until 1837, and old men still remember the passing round of the eight balls, each wrapped in black cloth, seven being silvern and the eighth gilt. Les Alpes Suisses: Études Historiques et Nationales, by Eugène Rambert (Lausanne, 1889), pp. 226, 276.

3 Rules of the Steam-engine Makers Friendly Society, edition of 1837.