And old folks seem tickled And keep a looking at each other, and then at Zekie and Sally, as if they knew a thing or two. The old man pulls his boots Feeling kinder funny: For him to pop the question, get a wife, and com mence a layin' up the money. Now the old folks are gone, Zeke fidgets all around She asks him why so mum? And Zekiel hems and haws: He gives an awful cough. Then he crosses his legs, then he uncrosses them, and then he says, "Because!" Zekiel clears his throat, Then hitches up his chair; Sally looks slantin' like As if she didn't care. Zeke clears his throat again, Again hitches near; And Sal, the little pet, After knitting to the "middle of the needle," lays away her stocking and looks as if she wouldn't "skeer." Zeke at once "pitched right in," Flung his arms around her: Said that she must be his, She'd not get a sounder. Zeke kept a holdin' on And swore his fate he'd know; While Sal could but utter, "Zeke Jones, I'll tell you what it is, I can't stand it, and I won't let you hug me so !" But Zeke vowed and declared, And his love was growin'; She modestly replied: "Zeke Jones, I would like mighty well to believe you; but I'm most awfully afraid you're blowin'!" "I'll be dogged if I am!" I'll go right off to the wars, and some day there will a big cannon ball come along and take off my head cher biz!" "Oh, yes, I'll have you Zeke, He couldn't sleep a wink that night, without dreaming of the good time to come. EXTRACT FROM SENATOR BAKER'S SPEECH AT UNION SQUARE, N. Y., April 20th, 1861. FELLOW-CITIZENS, what is this country? Is it the soil on which we tread? Is it the gathering of familiar faces? Is it our luxury, and pomp, and pride? Nay, more than these, is it power, and might, and majesty alone? No, our country is more, far more than all these. The country which demands our love, our courage, our devotion, our heart's blood, is more than all these. Our country is the history of our fathersour country is the tradition of our mothers-our country is past renown-our country is present pride and power-our country is future hope and destiny-our country is greatness, glory, truth, constitutional liberty-above all, freedom forever! These are the watchwords under which we fight; and we will shout them out till the stars appear in the sky, in the stormiest hour of battle. Young men of New York-young men of the United States-you are told this is not to be a war of aggression. In one sense that is true; in another, not. We have committed aggression upon no man. In all the broad land, in their rebel nest, in their traitor's camp, no truthful man can rise and say that he has ever been disturbed, though it be but for a single moment, in life, liberty, estate, character, or honor. The day they began this unnatural, false, wicked, rebellious warfare, their lives were more secure, their property more secure, by us-not by themselves, but by us-guarded far more securely than any people ever have had their lives and property secured from the beginning of the world. We have committed no oppression, have broken no compact, have exercised no unholy power; have been loyal, moderate, constitutional, and just. We are a majority of the Union, and we will govern our own Union, within our own Constitution, in our own way. We are all democrats. We are all republicans. We acknowledge the sovereignty of the people within the rule of the Constitution; and under that Constitution and beneath that flag, let traitors beware. I would meet them upon the threshold, and there, in the very State of their power, in the very atmosphere of their treason, I propose that the people of this Union dictate to these rebels the terms of peace. It may take thirty millions; it may take three hundred millions. What then? We have it. It may cost us seven thousand men; it may cost us seventy-five thousand men in battle; it may cost us seven hundred and fifty thousand men. What then? We have them. The blood of every loyal citizen of this Government is dear to me. My sons, my kinsmen, the young men who have grown up beneath my eye and beneath my care, they are all dear to me; but if the country's destiny, glory, tradition, greatness, freedom, government, written constitutional government-the only hope of a free people-demand it, let them all go. Let no man underrate the dangers of this controversy. Civil war, for the best of reasons upon the one side, and the worst upon the other, is always dangerous to liberty-always fearful, always bloody; but, fellow-citizens, there are yet worse things than fear, than doubt and dread, and danger and blood. Dishonor is worse. Perpetual anarchy is worse. States forever commingling and forever severing are worse. Traitors and Secessionists are worse. To have star after star blotted out to have stripe after stripe obscured-to have glory after glory dimmed-to have our women weep and our men blush for shame throughout generations to come-t -that and these are infinitely worse than blood. When we march, let us not march for revenge. As yet we have nothing to revenge. It is not much that where that tattered flag waved, guarded by seventy men against ten thousand; it is not much that starvation effected what an enemy could not compel. We have as yet something to punish, but nothing, or very little, to revenge. The President himself, a hero without knowing it-and I speak from knowledge, having known him from boyhood-the President says:- There are wrongs to be redressed, already long enough endured. And we march to battle and to victory because we do not choose to endure this wrong any longer. They are wrongs not merely against us-not against you, Mr. President-not against me--but against our sons and against our grandsons that surround us. They are wrongs against our Union; they are wrongs against our Constitution; they are wrongs against human hope_ and human freedom; and thus, if it be avenged, still, as Burke says: "It is a wild justice at last;" only thus we will revenge them. The national banners, leaning from ten thousand windows in your city to-day, proclaim your affection and reverence for the Union. You will gather in battalions "Patient of toil, serene amidst alarms, Inflexible in faith, invincible in arms;" and as you gather, every omen of present concord and ultimate peace will surround you. The ministers of religion, the priests of literature, the historians of the past, the illustrators of the present, capital, science, art, invention, discoveries, the works of genius-all these will attend us in our march, and we will conquer. And if, from the far Pacific, a voice feebler than the feeblest murmur upon its shore may be heard to give you courage and hope in the contest, that voice is yours to-day; and if a man whose hair is gray, who is wellnigh worn out in the battle and toil of life, may pledge himself on such an occasion and in such an audience, let me say, as my last word, that when, amid sheeted fire and flame, I saw and led the hosts of New York as they charged in contest upon a foreign soil for the honor of your flag, so again, if Providence shall will it, this feeble hand shall draw a sword, never yet dishonored-not to fight for distant honor in a foreign land, but to fight for country, for home, for law, for Government, for Constitution, for right, for freedom, for humanity; and in the hope that the banner of my country may advance, and wheresoever that banner waves, there glory may pursue and freedom be established. THE FAMINE.-By H. W. Longfellow. O THE long and dreary Winter! Fell the snow o'er all the landscape, Sought for bird or beast and found none, Fell, and could not rise from weakness, O the famine and the fever! Into Hiawatha's wigwam Came two other guests, as silent Did not parley at the doorway, And the other said! "Behold me! Forth into the empty forest Wrapp'd in furs and arm'd for hunting, On his snow-shoes strode he forward. |