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Black and White: Land, Labor, and Politics in the South
Timothy Thomas Fortune
No preview available - 1970
acres American become better called capital cause citizens cloth colored comes common condition Constitution cotton crop cultivation death dollars equal existence fact farmers Federal feeling force future give hands hold honest human hundred idea ignorance improvement increase industrial instance institution intelligence interest justice labor land legislation less live look mass matter ment Mississippi moral murder nature necessary negro opportunity organized party plantations planter political poor population portion possible present produce protection question race raised reason regard result River rule schools side simply slave slavery social society soil South Southern speak things thousand tion turn Union United vast vote wages wealth whole York
Page 23 - If there be those who would not save the Union unless they could at the same time save Slavery, I do not agree with them. If there be those who would not save the Union unless they could at the same time destroy Slavery, I do not agree with them. My paramount object in this struggle is to save the Union, and is not either to save or destroy Slavery.
Page 23 - If there be in it any inferences which I may believe to be falsely drawn, I do not, now and here, argue against them. If there be perceptible in it an impatient and dictatorial tone, I waive it in deference to an old friend, whose heart I have always supposed to be right. As to the policy I "seem to be pursuing," as you say, I have not meant to leave any one in doubt.
Page 22 - ... that on the first day of january in the year of our lord one thousand eight hundred and sixtythree all persons held as slaves within any state or designated part of a state the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the united states shall be then thenceforward and forever free...
Page 48 - Portsmouth and which excepted parts are for the present left precisely as if this proclamation were not issued and by virtue of the power and for the purpose aforesaid i do order and declare that all persons held as slaves within said designated states and parts of states are and henceforward shall be free and that the executive government of the united states including the military and naval authorities thereof will recognize and maintain the freedom of said persons...
Page 22 - ... that the executive will on the first day of january aforesaid by proclamation designate the states and parts of states if any in which the people thereof respectively shall then be in rebellion against the united states...
Page 139 - Vice is a monster of so frightful mien, As, to be hated, needs but to be seen; Yet seen too oft, familiar with her face, We first endure, then pity, then embrace.
Page 23 - I would do it; if I could save it by freeing all the slaves, I would do it; and if I could do it by freeing some and leaving others alone, I would also do that. What I do about slavery and the colored race, I do because I believe it helps to save this Union; and what I forbear, I forbear because I do not believe it would help to save the Union.
Page 24 - I have here stated my purpose according to my view of official duty, and I intend no modification of my oftexpressed personal wish that all men, everywhere, could be free.
Page 24 - Union; and what I forbear, I forbear because I do not believe it would help to save the Union. I shall do less whenever I shall believe what I am doing hurts the cause, and I shall do more whenever I shall believe doing more will help the cause.
Page 22 - I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States of America and Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy thereof, do hereby proclaim and declare that hereafter, as heretofore, the war will be prosecuted for the object of practically restoring the constitutional relation between the United States and each of the States and the people thereof in which States that relation is or may be suspended or disturbed.