1 SLOT and iine water -Ts ang made us as hungry as so many hawks, so that between appetite and a very good was cult to eat like a philosopher. he afternoon the lady's walk't me about mis tere nesire niet mettle animals with which they amuse themselves and furnish the table. The wirst of s. they are so tender-hearted they shed a sient tear every time any of them are kil'd. fm i mare i am nence to the banks rece mix cres & pura and "As the Col and I quitted the threadbare H scect of and changed the scene to politicks. Bow be mistry had receded from its demand I use a staccg salary for all succeeding govsita ir fear" some curious memMATIS ise of Commons should enquire is how he met was disposed of that had been Man Tass sei de cher American colonies for the supmate profer gernors." etc.] The Ciccel read me a lecture on tar, afirang be made in this warm clymate after the meter they make it in Sweden and JUST, and then we entered on the sub Ts s most the only glimpse history afi e ins is the latter-day life, at home, of the mus eader of the Knights of the Golden Erste the T-ba! Cain of Virginia, as he has been led for his ardor in founding the PH MUSCY I America, the ex-soldier unerbri who carried about with him a wound in the breast received at Blenheim, 27 der as weg te serier of Vra, who, as deputy of De absent Ear Orkney, is among the few new geverors deserving to be held in the prase of future generations. After I we must sg e want of space, leaving der zebow solitude the writings of Fynd genteman" who, surnamed in The-Back Swan" or "Rara Avis" of his day, bred to the green old age of seven, mi sleeps at his own Westover in the sustine of the garden near the river-bank. LT Tནྡྷ The root of ts An as the The Cliona SPA re with we found in re a te vertus We were a asses mich of this king of plants so Cone's habiation, and surprised to evel ground, instead of on the north Act & & story mountain. I carried home the tà as much joy as if every root had #graft of the Tree of Life, and wash'd it from within. it carefully, 1 112 die toe, may be desoned under summer garniBy the passing traveler Westover, and Branture of leaves as the boat plows down the James But to absorb the full flavor of the legends of both homes one must know them Constance Cary Harrison. a letter to Sir Robert Walpole from Co- Ginseng would seem to have been much discussed in merding this plant for some malady, England at the time, and is still in great demand among g a decoction of it made at Westover. the Chinese. PRESENT-DAY PAPERS. CONTRIBUTED BY THE SOCIOLOGICAL GROUP. CHARLES W. Shields. HENRY C. POTTER. SETH LOW. RICHARD T. ELY. HUGH MILLER THOMPSON. FRANCIS G. PEABODY. It is understood that each writer has had the benefit of suggestions from the Group, but is himself alone responsible for opinions expressed in a paper to which his name is subscribed. PENSIONS AND SOCIALISM. ARIOUS trains of argument have been used to justify the indiscriminate and lavish distribution of pensions in which the national government has lately been indulging. Every intelligent man who is not blinded by partisanship apprehends the true cause—a determination to be rid of the Treasury surplus in any way productive of political results, and therefore under the guise of patriotic gratitude to secure the vote of the soldiers in the late war with it. But so adroit is the reasoning of those who seek political benefit therefrom that they not only deceive others but even themselves by sophistries which cannot too often be exposed. The present, the immediate future, and the times of posterity may be influenced by them and a bias given to other matters with even more disastrous results. We are told that the state owes a debt to those who have endangered their lives in its service, and that the payment of pensions is an obligation like that incurred by contract. Every one admits the obligation, but the ground of it is a sense of gratitude which establishes no right for those who have served and suffered. Viewed from any standpoint there is no department of the public service more glorious than that of the coast guard or life-saving patrol. Every station along the shore bids defiance to the elements. Restless and treacherous ocean, stormy winds, and blackest night combine against the seafarer. But the surfboatmen sometimes baffle them all and bring safe to land tens upon tens and hundreds upon hundreds of human beings with precious lives. The personal risk of every member of every crew is extreme; exposure produces disease and brings on premature old age. The whole character of the work demands the utmost devotion, and not only subjects the men to intellectual and physical strain but jeopardizes their lives. And yet their pay is a pittance, the pay of the day laborer; neither individually nor corporately do they demand a money reward from the rescued and government grants only temporary pensions. He who saves lives has simply done his duty, and in private life would be regarded as a monster if he demanded all or any of the wealth of those whose lives had been spared through his agency. On the other hand gratitude is expected from the rescued, and if he does not show it men mark him down as less than human. And gratitude is shown by some return, but not one commensurate with ability, for that would be compensation and destroy gratitude, which rests on a sense of obligation and honor. Hence even if the state were not the sovereign which it is, daily bestowing on the man benefits which he can only acknowledge but never requite, still the ground of its obligation to surviving soldiers and the families of those who died would be gratitude, and gratitude measured by the personal good will of its citizens. And speaking of the sovereignty of the State we come to the legal aspect of this question of debt. The field is too large for extended discussion. It is believed that there is absolutely no precedent for the contention seriously made by so many advocates of the present pension system, that the claim of the soldier for support is a legal claim like any other presented for services rendered. The powers of the judiciary under which the individual seeks redress from the State are all granted by one of the parties concerned, to wit, the political 1 For a veteran soldier's views on the subject of pensions, see a communication from George L. Kilmer in THE CENTURY for August, 1889.— EDITOR. through a shady lane, and drink "fine water from a marble fountain," thence to the banks of the Rappahannock, "fifty yards wide and so rapid that the ferryboat is drawn over by a chain, and is here therefore called the Rapidan." At night they sup, and tell "a legion of old stories"; "drink prosperity to all the Col.'s projects in a bowl of rack punch, and then retire to our devotions." "Having employed about two hours in retirement," writes the traveler, "I sally'd out at the first summons to breakfast, where our conversation with the ladys, like whipt syllabub, was very pretty, but had nothing in it. This, it seems, was Miss Theky's birthday, upon which I made her my compliments, and wish't she might live twice as long a marry'd woman as she had lived a maid. Then the Colonel and I took another turn in the garden to discourse further on the subject of iron. He was very frank in communicating his dear-bought experience. "We had a Michaelmas goose for dinner of Miss Theky's own raising, who was now goodnatured enough to forget the jeopardy of her dog. [There had been a scene at breakfast between Sir Alexander and his sister-in-law over her offending lap-dog.] In the afternoon we walked in a meadow by the river, which winds in the form of a horseshoe about Germanna, making it a peninsula containing about four hundred acres. "30th. The sun rose clear this morning, and so did I. It was then resolved to wait on the lady's on horseback, since the bright sun, the fine air, and the wholesome exercise, all invited us to it. We forded the river a little above the ferry, and rode six miles up the neck to a fine level piece of rich land where we found about twenty plants of ginseng with the scarlet berries growing on the top of the middle stalk. The root of this is of wonderful vertue, particularly to raise the spirits and promote perspiration. The Colonel complimented me with all we found in return for my telling him the vertues. We were all pleased to find so much of this king of plants so near the Colonel's habitation, and surprised to find it on level ground, instead of on the north side of a stony mountain. I carried home the treasure with as much joy as if every root had been a graft of the Tree of Life, and wash'd it and dry'd it carefully.1 1 There is a letter to Sir Robert Walpole from Colonel Byrd recommending this plant for some malady, and forwarding a decoction of made at Westover. "This airing made us as hungry as so many hawks, so that between appetite and a very good dinner 't was difficult to eat like a philosopher. In the afternoon the lady's walk't me about amongst all their little animals with which they amuse themselves and furnish the table. The worst of it is, they are so tender-hearted they shed a silent tear every time any of them are kil'd. At night the Col. and I quitted the threadbare subject of iron and changed the scene to politicks. to raise a standing salary for all succeeding gov[How the ministry had receded from its demand bers of the House of Commons should enquire ernors of Virginia, for fear "some curious memhow the money was disposed of that had been raised in the other American colonies for the support of their governors," etc.] "Then the Colonel read me a lecture on tar, affirming that it can't be made in this warm clymate after the manner they make it in Sweden and Muscovy, etc.; and then we entered on the subject of hemp." This is almost the only glimpse history affords us of the latter-day life, at home, of the famous leader of the Knights of the Golden Horseshoe, the Tubal Cain of Virginia, as he has been called for his ardor in founding the iron industry in America, the ex-soldier under Marlborough who carried about with him a wound in the breast received at Blenheim, the stern ruler of Virginia, who, as deputy of the absent Earl of Orkney, is among the few of the crown governors deserving to be held up for the praise of future generations. After it we must stop for want of space, leaving again to their mellow solitude the writings of "Will Byrd, gentleman," who, surnamed in Virginia the "Black Swan" or "Rara Avis" of his day, lived to the green old age of seventy, and sleeps at his own Westover in the sunshine of the garden near the river-bank. By the passing traveler Westover, and Brandon too, may be descried under summer garniture of leaves as the boat plows down the James. But to absorb the full flavor of the legends of both homes one must know them from within. Constance Cary Harrison. Ginseng would seem to have been much discussed in England at the time, and is still in great demand among the Chinese. It is understood that each writer has had the benefit of suggestions from the Group, but is himself alone responsible for opinions expressed in a paper to which his name is subscribed. PENSIONS AND SOCIALISM. ARIOUS trains of argument have been used to justify the indiscriminate and lavish distribution of pensions in which the national government has lately been indulging. Every intelligent man who is not blinded by partisanship apprehends the true cause a determination to be rid of the Treasury surplus in any way productive of political results, and therefore under the guise of patriotic gratitude to secure the vote of the soldiers in the late war with it. But so adroit is the reasoning of those who seek political benefit therefrom that they not only deceive others but even themselves by sophistries which cannot too often be exposed. The present, the immediate future, and the times of posterity may be influenced by them and a bias given to other matters with even more disastrous results. We are told that the state owes a debt to those who have endangered their lives in its service, and that the payment of pensions is an obligation like that incurred by contract. Every one admits the obligation, but the ground of it is a sense of gratitude which establishes no right for those who have served and suffered. Viewed from any standpoint there is no department of the public service more glorious than that of the coast guard or life-saving patrol. Every station along the shore bids defiance to the elements. Restless and treacherous ocean, stormy winds, and blackest night combine against the seafarer. But the surfboatmen sometimes baffle them all and bring safe to land tens upon tens and hundreds upon hundreds of human beings with precious lives. The personal risk of every member of every crew is extreme; exposure produces disease and brings on premature old age. The whole character of the work demands the utmost devotion, and not only subjects the men to intellectual and physical strain but jeopardizes their lives. And yet their pay is a pittance, the pay of the day laborer; neither individually nor corporately do they demand a money reward from the rescued and government grants only temporary pensions. He who saves lives has simply done his duty, and in private life would be regarded as a monster if he demanded all or any of the wealth of those whose lives had been spared through his agency. On the other hand gratitude is expected from the rescued, and if he does not show it men mark him down as less than human. And gratitude is shown by some return, but not one commensurate with ability, for that would be compensation and destroy gratitude, which rests on a sense of obligation and honor. Hence even if the state were not the sovereign which it is, daily bestowing on the man benefits which he can only acknowledge but never requite, still the ground of its obligation to surviving soldiers and the families of those who died would be gratitude, and gratitude measured by the personal good will of its citizens. And speaking of the sovereignty of the State we come to the legal aspect of this question of debt. The field is too large for extended discussion. It is believed that there is absolutely no precedent for the contention seriously made by so many advocates of the present pension system, that the claim of the soldier for support is a legal claim like any other presented for services rendered. The powers of the judiciary under which the individual seeks redress from the State are all granted by one of the parties concerned, to wit, the political 1 For a veteran soldier's views on the subject of pensions, see a communication from George L. Kilmer in THE CENTURY for August, 1889.— EDITOR. sovereign, and limited to such pleas as deal with unfulfilled obligations laid upon the political corporation by its members. Local governments are responsible for the condition of roads and the proper lighting of streets, for sanitary conditions in certain instances, and can be sued for failure to perform their duty, the damages to be commensurate with the loss. But such governments were created for that purpose and lay taxes expressly to fulfil it. Was it ever conceived, however, that a householder should have the right to demand damages for the silver stolen by a burglar, the theft being possible by reason of inefficient police supervision? Could his family, if he were murdered in defense of his property, demand a pension of the state for their support? And the theory becomes the more absurd when it is urged that the soldiers who were once in arms saved the Union, that in so doing they preserved for us all that we have and all that we enjoy, and that therefore we are niggards when we refuse to share and share alike on the ground of a technicality in the laws which justice demands should be remedied by statute. The truth is that man as a social and political being incapable of either physical or spiritual welfare without the state has therefore a double character. On one hand his personality, his manhood, his right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness must be his first concern. On the other hand all these come to him only in organized society; and in the necessary sacrifices, even to the risk of life, which he has to make for it under the safeguards of constitutional government he is merely performing an act of enlightened selfishness. Whatever obligation is incurred is one with the conditions of his existence in the personality which is everything to himself, which is in fact himself. In this way he is the state in a truer sense than that in which Louis XIV used the phrase. Many classes of men go to war; but for our purposes they may be separated into two categories- those who serve for gain whether as wages, booty, or political advancement, and those who serve for honor and patriotism. With the former we have nothing to do; they embark like every adventurer on an enterprise the success of which is all their own if it comes, and the risks of which they must therefore take. But the citizen-soldier who enlists from a sense of duty, jeopardizes his lawful calling, and with cheerful courage and self-denial ventures all for his country and his home-does not he also receive pay? There may be two opinions as to this question. If the comparatively small sum which is given to the soldier either in the ranks or as an officer is an adequate return for his services in a difficult and dangerous occu pation then there is an end of it, and there is no obligation on the part of the employer lasting for the lifetime of the employee. But many things combine to discredit this view. In the first place if we compare two men of equal parts and equal social standing, one fighting in the field, the other pursuing his occupation at home, the pay, equipment, and rations of the former are far less than the earnings of the latter, about sixty per cent. being a fair estimate. The soldier can sustain life and spare something for the support of those who are dependent upon him. And that is all; there is no question of growing rich by honest means in the military profession. On the other hand he pays no tax on his income and is not subject to forced contributions except in the uncertainty of pay day. It looks as if the burden of war were thus divided between the fighting citizen in the ranks and the tax-paying citizen at home. But in the second place the salaries of professional soldiers in the regular army are certainly calculated with reference to the lifelong pension paid on retirement or disability. This pension is as much a part of the remuneration as the full pay during service, the total being spread over a lifetime to guard against imprudence, thriftlessness, or misfortune on the part of the recipient. If then the volunteer soldier, as is normally the case, receives the same pay as the regular or less without promise of pension, it follows that the idea of compensation does not enter into the offer of either bounty or monthly payment made on enlistment. Taking therefore either horn of the dilemma, that the citizen soldier either does or does not receive hire, he is neither legally nor morally right in demanding a pension for disability, much less for service. The state in emergencies has the power and the right to the assistance in some form of all its citizens, and by the enforcement of war contributions upon the capital of all and upon the labor of the non-combatants equalizes in a measure their burden with the service of those who fight. It appears then that the citizen soldier has neither a moral nor a legal right to a pension. But, if so, why have most civilized nations been in the habit of granting pensions to disable i soldiers? The answer is one creditable to human nature. Gratitude, wisdom, and a sense of merciful compassion prompt us to a liberal pension system on the ground of disability. At the close of the civil war we were told, and properly so, of the nation's widows and orphans, of the nation's dependents, and the nation's wards. To all who take great risks, whether of life, property, or credit in the public service, we owe an endless debt of gratitude. Such a debt cannot be paid, and so the world has de |