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Abolition Abolitionists admit adopted answer argument attention believe bill carry charge Chicago clause Clay compromise Congress constitution convention course decide decision Declaration Democratic deny desire discussion divided doctrine Dred Scott decision election entire equality exclude exist expected expressed fact fathers favor follow forward friends give hold Illinois Independence institution Judge Douglas Kansas knew labor legislation Lincoln live looks matter mean meeting ment mind negro never North once opinion opposed party passed peace political popular position present principle proposition prove question race reason regard Republican requiring resolutions Senate slave slavery South sovereignty speech Springfield stand suppose Supreme Court tell Territory thing thought tion Toombs true Trumbull understand Union United voted Whig whole wrong
Page 58 - A house divided against itself cannot stand." I believe this Government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved, I do not expect the house to fall, but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction; or its advocates will push...
Page 47 - I hold that notwithstanding all this there is no reason in the world why the negro is not entitled to all the natural rights enumerated in the Declaration of Independence, — the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. I hold that he is as much entitled to these as the white man.
Page 158 - Can the people of a United States Territory, in any lawful way, against the wish of any citizen of the United States, exclude slavery from its limits prior to the formation of a State constitution?
Page 134 - I have no purpose directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so ; and I have no inclination to do so.
Page 24 - Now, as we have already said in an earlier part of this opinion, upon a different point, the right of property in a slave is distinctly and expressly affirmed in the Constitution.
Page 89 - This they said, and this they meant. They did not mean to assert the obvious untruth that all were then actually enjoying that equality, nor yet that they were about to confer it immediately upon them. In fact, they had no power to confer such a boon. They meant simply to declare the right, so that enforcement of it might follow as fast as circumstances should permit.
Page 135 - I will say in addition to this that there is a physical difference between the white and black races which I believe will forever forbid the two races living together on terms of social and political equality.
Page 191 - A few men own capital, and that few avoid labor themselves, and, with their capital, hire or buy another few to labor for them. A large majority belong to neither class -neither work for others, nor have others working for them.
Page 135 - I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of bringing about in any way the social and political equality of the white and the black races — that I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of making voters or jurors of negroes, nor of qualifying them to hold office, nor to intermarry with white people...