nishing the greater part of them. Of one of these Thaddeus Stevens said: "When we all molder in the dust; he may have his epitaph written, if it be truly written, Here rests the ablest and most pertinacious defender of slavery, and opponent of liberty." Finally on the last day of January, 1865, the question on reconsidering the former action of the House was carried by a vote of one hundred and twelve yeas against fifty-seven nays. And then the joint resolution of the former session, providing for an amendment of the Constitution doing away with slavery, was passed by one hundred and nineteen yeas against fifty-six nays, D. W. Voorhees, of Indiana, and seven others not voting. A majority of the border State Representatives voted for the measure, as did a number of Democrats from various parts of the Union, but all the nays and the eight not voting were Democrats. Amidst the wildest demonstrations of joy on the part of the friends of the measure, Ebon C. Ingersoll, of Illinois, said: "In honor of this immortal and sublime event, I move that the House adjourn." And the House did adjourn, ringing with the triumphant shouts of the friends of liberty. Thus Congress had finished its share in the overthrow of human slavery, the grand achievement of the age. And in good time more than two-thirds of the States sanctioned the emancipation acts of the Administration, and this crowning act of Congress, the amendment forever prohibiting slavery in the United States becoming a part of the Constitution. CHAPTER XXIII, WAR OF THE REBELLION-OVERTURES FOR PEACEMR. BLAIR AND JEFFERSON DAVIS-MR. LINCOLN'S SECOND INAUGURAL. ATE in 1864 Mr. Lincoln gave F. P. Blair, Sen., LA a permit to pass through the army to go to Richmond. This old political busybody was impressed with the notion that he was the possessor of a plan for the restoration of the Union without further bloodshed. Mr. Lincoln had full confidence in Mr. Blair's patriotism, but would not even listen to his views touching his visit to Jefferson Davis. The President had announced in his last annual message the only terms on which he would ever consent to a suspension of the war-that the rebels should lay down their arms and return to their allegiance to the Government. This had always been Mr. Lincoln's position, and few persons knew it better than Francis P. Blair, Sen. Early in January Mr. Blair succeeded in reaching Richmond, and holding a long conversation with the rebel executive. In his account of the interview Mr. Davis treats the whole matter in the light of a very grave condescension on his part toward this old political associate. But Mr. Blair made amends, to some extent, by his good conduct, his earnestness as to some preliminary steps for peace, and his kind and flattering expressions touching his own Southern blood, and so on. His proposition was that military hostilities should be suspended on the simple understanding, and nothing more, that the attention of the armies and the whole people should be turned to the maintenance of "The Monroe Doctrine" against France in Mexico. This being done, in the meantime, Mr. Blair seemed to believe the wounds of the domestic war would somehow be healed, and the Union restored. Although his judgment was at fault in this whole business, there can be no question about Mr. Blair's good intentions and patriotism. He was quite particular in assuring Mr. Davis that he was acting entirely on his own responsibility, while he took equal pains to urge the belief that the President would treat his plan with favor. Davis dismissed him with this letter to himself: "F. P. BLAIR, Esq.: "RICHMOND, VIRGINIA, January 12, 1865. "SIR,-I have deemed it proper, and probably desirable to you, to give you in this form the substance of remarks made by me, to be repeated by you to President Lincoln, etc. "I have no disposition to find obstacles in forms, and am willing now, as heretofore, to enter into negotiations for the restoration of peace; am ready to send a commission whenever I have reason to suppose it will be received, or to receive a commission, if the United States Government shall choose to send one. "That, notwithstanding the rejection of our former offers, I would, if you could promise that a commissioner, minister, or agent would be received, appoint one imme diately, and renew the effort to enter into conference with a view to secure peace to the two countries. "Yours, etc., JEFFERSON DAVIS." The true character of this artful letter is revealed in the two last words, two countries. Two countries the Administration and the loyal North could never acknowledge, and that was well known. With almost inexhaustible resources, and the enthusiasm of the people rising as it now became more, apparent daily that the Rebellion was speedily falling to pieces, a mere fantasy could have led any sane man to suppose any terms but unconditional surrender would be accepted from the rebels. And so Mr. Lincoln wrote in answer to this letter designed for the eye of the rebel chief: "F. P. BLAIR, Esq.: "WASHINGTON, January 18, 1865. SIR,-You having shown me Mr. Davis's letter to you of the 12th inst., you may say to him that I have constantly been, am now, and shall continue ready to receive any agent whom he, or any other influential person now resisting the national authority, may informally send to me with a view of securing peace to the people of our one common country. Yours, etc., A. LINCOLN." With this Mr. Blair again visited Richmond, and in his interview with Jefferson Davis, took occasion to call his attention to the expression our one common country in the President's letter, and the object of its use. Mr. Davis was then frank enough to say that he recognized its purpose of counteracting the words two countries in his letter. Mr. Blair got among his old friends while on this visit to Richmond, and lost no opportunity to assure them of the hopelessness of their cause. In his strange book on the "Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government," Mr. Davis says: "Mr. Blair had many acquaintances among the members of the Confederate Congress; and all those of the class, who, of old, fled to the cave of Adullam, 'gathered themselves unto him."" Davis now consulted with Alexander H. Stephens and others, and concluded to send commissioners to treat with President Lincoln, in the vain hope that he might be induced to take up with Mr. Blair's proposition as to the enforcement of "The Monroe Doctrine," which in some way would in the end turn to the great advantage of the Southern cause. In a letter to Charles Francis Adams Mr. Seward gave this account of the meeting and its result : : "DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON CITY, "SIR,-It is a truism that in times of peace there are always instigators of war. So soon as war begins there are citizens who impatiently demand negotiations for peace. The advocates of war, after an agitation, longer or shorter, generally gain their fearful end, though the war declared is not unfrequently unnecessary and unwise. So peace agitators in time of war ultimately bring about an abandonment of the conflict, sometimes without securing the advantages which were originally expected from the conflict. "The agitators for war in time of peace, and for peace in time of war, are not necessarily, or perhaps ordinarily, unpatriotic in their purposes or motives. Results alone determine whether they are wise or unwise. The treaty of peace concluded at Gudalupe-Hidalgo, was secured by an irregular negotiator |