and the treatment of slaves. Of the committee, five were strong anti-slavery men. late in February, Mr. Sumner introduced a bill for the repeal of the Fugitive Slave Act, and with it an exhaustive report. Carlile, of West Virginia, and the Democrat, Buckalew, of Pennsylvania, as the minority of the committee of seven, also made a report against the majority bill. After a long, and to some extent, foolish wrangle, Mr. Sumner's bill was laid on the table and not taken up. Early in June Daniel Morris, of New York, in the House introduced "A bill to repeal the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850, and all acts, and parts of acts, for the rendition of fugitive slaves." On the 13th of the same month this bill was passed by a vote of eighty-two to fifty-seven. A week later through Mr. Sumner this bill was brought to the consideration of the Senate, and on the 23d was passed by twenty-seven yeas against twelve nays. And thus passed away this troublesome law, which had been virtually dead since the fall of Sumter, like everything else belonging to slavery; and all this turmoil about it now no more than to aid in the irrevocable establishment of the decree which had gone forth in the Emancipation Proclamation. did CHAPTER XX. WAR OF THE REBELLION MR. LINCOLN'S BURDENS HIS SPEECH AT GETTYSBURG-MEDDLESOME HORACE GREELEY'S DOUBTFUL CONDUCT-PSEUDO ATTEMPTS AT NEGOTIATION. EYOND what may be termed his legitimate BEYON official duties the demands made upon the President were onerous and trying. Few who sought him were ever turned away. Without a vast degree of sympathy for sufferings liable to befall all, and which should be borne without publicity, and little or no respect for the needless, officious, or impertinent efforts of men to be seen and heard, he felt it his duty to care for all, however laborious the task. It was his way of being President. What he considered it his duty to do, he did not intrust to another. It was expected of him, and he did it. Mr. Lincoln was largely imbued with the feeling tha the could do better than others what he had to do. He had carried this feeling with him from the times of his first physical conquests at Gentryville and New Salem. And when it came to an argument or a defense he never forgot his battles with Judge Douglas. While deferring so little, and yet so much, to the opinions and wants of others, he re-examined his motives and acts at every apparent adverse decision of the people. that and When Horace Greeley, who gave Mr. Lincoln no little trouble, wrote his impertinent letter, un der date of August 19, 1862, he was greatly surprised to receive an answer. While he went on the common error that it was proper and to be expected that every man who wanted to do so should attack, advise, or abuse a President, he did not think Mr. Lincoln would depart from the standard of silent dignity prescribed for Presidents. Thus it was Mr. Lincoln was found writing carefully worded thoughtful letters to the Governor of New York a bout his draft riots, and to Fernando Wocd about his injurious fabrications, schemes, or something, concerning peace; long, carefully prepared, and caustic letters to the Copperheads of New York and Ohio; voluminous and meaty letters to the factionists in Missouri; letters to Churches and officious, consequential, and gushing preachers; letters to political quacks and schemers; letters to military adventurers and selfpromoters; to scores of fault-finders, and hundreds of earnest and sham eulogists and flatterers; to the reconstructionists in Louisiana and Arkansas; to weak-kneed Union men in Kentucky; letters to the "working-men” of Manchester and London, England; a long letter to the "working-men" of New York, pleasing and pampering them by accepting a foolishly proffered membership in their society; and so on almost endless extent; speeches to soldiers who must see Father Abraham; little speeches at sanitary fairs, in Washington, Baltimore, and Philadelphia; and speeches and letters in place and out of place. There was no rest for Lincoln. The burdens of the Nation he bore, and when the picture of the slain rose before him, and the thousands of appeals for the maimed, the suffering, and the needy were daily presented to him, it was no wonder that he should exclaim: "I shall never be glad again." One of the most interesting of all these letters written by Mr. Lincoln is the following, which sufficiently explains itself: "EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, } "I have just looked over a petition signed by some three dozen citizens of St. Louis, and their accompanying letters, one by yourself, one by a Mr. Nathan Ranney, and one by a Mr. John D. Coalter, the whole relating to the Rev. Dr. McPheeters. The petition prays, in the name of justice and mercy, that I will restore Dr. McPheeters to all his ecclesiastical rights. "This gives no intimation as to what ecclesiastical rights are withdrawn. Your letter states that Provost Marshal Dick, about a year ago, ordered the arrest of Dr. McPheeters, pastor of the Vine Street Church, prohibited him from officiating, and placed the management of affairs of the Church out of the control of the chosen trustees; and, near the close, you state that a certain course 'would insure his release.' Mr. Ranney's letter says: 'Dr. Samuel McPheeters is enjoying all the rights of a civilian, but can not preach the gospel!' Mr. Coalter, in his letter, asks: 'Is it not a strange illustration of the condition of things, that the question who shall be allowed to preach in a church in St. Louis shall be decided by the President of the United States?" 8 not "Now, all this sounds very strangely; and, withal, little as if you gentlemen making the application do understand the case alike—one affirming that this Doctor is enjoying all the rights of a civilian, and another pointing out to me what will secure his release! On the 2 of January last I wrote to General Curtis in relation to Mr. Dick's order upon Dr. McPheeters; and, as I suppose the Doctor is enjoying all the rights of a civilian, I only quote that part of my letter which relates to the Church was as follows: 'But I must add that the United States Government must not, as by this order, undertake to the Churches. When an individual, in a Church or of it, becomes dangerous to the public interest, he must be checked; but the Churches, as such, must take care of themselves. It will not do for the United States to appoint trustees, supervisors, or other agents for Churches.' It run out the "This letter going to General Curtis, then in command, I supposed, of course, it was obeyed, especially as I heard no further complaint from Dr. Mc. or his friends for nearly an entire year. I have never interfered, nor thought of interfering, as to who shall or shall not preach in any Church; nor have I knowingly or believingly tolerated any one else to interfere by my authority. If any one is so interfering by color of my authority, I would like to have it specially made known to me. "If, after all, what is now sought is to have me put Dr. Mc. back over the heads of a majority of his own congregation, that, too, will be declined. I will not have control of any Church or any side. A. LINCOLN." On the 19th of November, 1863, a great concourse of loyal people assembled at Gettysburg to engage in the ceremony of setting aside, as a sacred spot on the bosom of "mother earth," the ground containing the mortal remains of the loyal soldiers who had |