great city, and is likely to assume that its University will be worthy of it." If a world-university is wanted, as Professor Rucker argued, the University of Liverpool is far more likely to gain that distinction than Victoria. Mr. Acland's fear that the establishment of local universities will have an injurious 5 effect on secondary education appears to be equally without foundation. If University College is to exercise any control over secondary schools the probability is strong that it will receive more deference as an independent University than as a member of a federation, which cannot be sure of having 10 its own way. The advantages which are traced to the federated University are as imaginary as the evils which are to follow its dissolution. Earl Spencer thinks that in some mysterious way the Federation has been the means of promoting friendly rivalry among the colleges. But competition 15 is hardly practicable when the institutions concerned are compelled to follow much the same curriculum and to pursue the same methods. A profitable rivalry cannot exist until the three colleges are free to go their own way. The Court was, however, sufficiently impressed by these and similar con- 20 siderations to decide upon an inquiry into the demand for separation which Liverpool has set up. There can be no objection to a full and careful investigation in a matter of so much moment, but we question whether it was wise to entrust the task to such a committee as was nominated. 25 Even now the German ideal of a University to which Liverpool seeks to attain is scarcely intelligible to the average Englishman, who cannot be disabused of the notion that the essentials of University excellence are a strong board of examiners and stiff examinations.

IX.

Concerning the Race Problem.

Boston Herald, Sept. 14, 1903.

In other columns this morning we print a third communication from Mr. Norman Walker of New Orleans, and one by the Rev. Dr. Brawley, pastor of the First Baptist Church in Fernandina, Fla., both relating to the race problem in the 5 South. There could hardly be a more notable contrast of motive and spirit than these two communications present. One is a vehement-it would scarcely be unjust to say a malignant assertion that the negro race is irredeemably degraded and base, - so that it is a crime to regard its mem10 bers as human beings having rights to be recognized and protected, intelligence to be fostered and developed, immortal souls to be redeemed and saved. The other is the pleading of a Christian pastor for means to aid his effort to be of use to negro boys aspiring to gain the knowledge and 15 character that will make them good citizens of the land of the free and the republic founded on principles of righteousness and equality.

We might leave these two communications with our readers, allowing them to form their own conclusions as to which 20 more truly typifies the charity and justice that is taught in the New Testament, and the ideal of government that is set forth in the Declaration of Independence. We might leave them to determine for themselves which purpose deserves to be approved and aided, that which insists on remitting the 25 colored race in the United States to hopeless barbarism and oppression, or that which would lift the race out of the bondage of its ignorance and vices and raise it to the stature of noble manhood.

We have no purpose to reply in detail to the argument of 30 Mr. Walker; but two or three of his gratuitous imputations

demand attention. There is no "Cambridge plan "to put the negro above the white man; but in Cambridge, as in Massachusetts generally, there is a willingness to recognize ability and virtue, whatever the color of the skin of the man or woman who exhibits these qualities. Mr. Walker has a habit of referring to men who have no prejudices that lead them to do injustice to colored people, men who do not hate the negro because he is a negro, and who do not fear that they will be unable to compete with him if he has a fair chance in the world, as "negro-lovers."

The white citizens of Massachusetts do not love a black man because he is black any more than they hate him because he is black. He has to deserve respect by his character and good behavior before he secures it; and, in fact, it is rather harder here for a colored man than for 15 a white man, their mental and moral characters being substantially equal, to obtain public confidence. We are not entirely free from the race prejudice that is so strong in the South. Therefore, when a colored person holds an office, especially one that is not political in its character, it may be 20 taken for granted that the person has superior qualifications to perform the duties of the place.

Mr. Walker's insinuation that Harvard University discriminates in favor of colored students in awarding its honors and prizes is an ungenerous libel. He may be sure that 25 any honor that has ever been given to a Harvard student has been fairly won by merit. Every Harvard man knows it, and will resent the imputation of unfairness on the part of the faculty or the trustees. Some of these honors that have been referred to, that of class orator, for example, were not 30 conferred by the faculty, but were conferred by vote of the students themselves. What is here said of Harvard is true of Yale also, and of every northern college where colored men have been received as students. There has been no partiality. The men in control of these institutions are 35 incapable of the meanness of such conduct. But we recog

nize that persons who base their logic on the premise that the negro is incapable of education, and that the attempt to educate him always makes him a vagabond or a criminal, must account for the fact that one of the race obtains honors

5 in an institution like Harvard University on some other ground than the negro's merit, even if they are compelled to impute lack of integrity to a man like President Eliot.

A considerable part of Mr. Walker's long letter is devoted to showing that the pagan negroes in their African home are 10 not a virtuous people. We require no citations of authorities to convince us of this; we grant it. We grant, also, that during two hundred and fifty years of slavery in the United States without the motives that freedom, property, education, responsibility, liberty to enter upon and maintain 15 in integrity and security sacred family relations naturally develop, they did not greatly improve. Further, we are not ignorant that in some sections conditions are no better than Mr. Patterson has set forth. The conditions are bad, and they are properly a serious phase of the race problem. All 20 this is admitted, must be admitted by every one who discusses the problem. But what is the remedy? How is the evil to be cured?

Must the eight millions of the colored race in the Southern States be re-enslaved in order to protect the white race? This is the logical conclusion of the 25 argument which men like Tillman, Money, Vardaman and Walker make. We commend to Mr. Walker the dictum of President Alderman of Tulane University in his own city: "Ignorance is not a cure for anything." Mr. Walker cites Mr. Patterson as to the fact of immorality; but he does not 30 cite him on the point of the remedy. We can supply what he has omitted:

Apparently the only way to prevent all danger of negro domination in the South is to educate, educate, educate. I am quite well aware of the fact that this statement will be scoffed at by Southern men quite 35 generally. They take the position that the negro is so near a savage he cannot be bettered, and they honestly believe the slightest tinge of edu

cation not only destroys the usefulness of the negro as a laborer, but injures him morally and makes him a menace to the community. Herein the South is manifestly not alive to the situation, it is deficient in its own civilization, it is half a century behind the great prosperous States of the North in its educational methods. . . . It is a rare 5 thing when we can find a Southern man or woman who is earnestly engaged in benefiting the colored people from a mental standpoint. They look after his house, try to teach him to be economical, and, in a queer kind of way, supervise his morals, but they will not educate him, and it seems impossible to teach Southern men and women that the 10 education which will convert an ignorant and frequently criminal immigrant from southeast Europe into a good citizen will, in the course of time, do the same thing for the negro. . . . Teach the negro how to use his hands intelligently, give him a chance to read a daily paper, let him have a letter now and then from his children, and the days of 15 assaults, of violence and of lynching will disappear.

Oh, but social equality will result, and the result of social equality will be miscegenation, and the degeneration of the proud Caucasian race! For our part, we have a better opinion of the white people of the South. All the appeals to 20 history which Mr. Walker makes are unreasonable, because the conditions here are so vastly different from the conditions in the West Indies or the South American States, which white adventurers and fortune seekers not distinguished for morality invaded and subjugated. The mixture 25 of races was due not to the equality of conditions, but to the inequality. War, avarice, brutality, licentiousness, united to take advantage of unequal conditions. The educated negroes in the North and in the South are the ones who have most self-respect and most conscience. The first step our mis- 30 sionaries take in foreign fields is to educate those whom they would Christianize.

But, without debating this subject further, it is sufficient to say that there will be no miscegenation in the South for which the white race will not have more than an equal share 35 of responsibility and shame. It must be a feeble virtue that

is afraid it cannot be true to the race instincts so much vaunted if negroes can read, own property, vote and hold