FREE TRADERS OF ENGLAND.

23

and continual intercourse. Free trade is the cause of peace. Let it become the common law of nations, and war will be impossible. The present Emperor of France, on ascending the throne, announced a memorable sentiment, which has been much repeated, that the empire was peace. This was said in especial reference to Great Britain. But recent events show how hollow is the truce between these countries. The reason of this is plain enough-the ports of France are almost entirely shut against English trade. The consequence is, that England and France are not bound together by material interests; they remain two hostile camps. Waterloo never can be forgotten and peace permanently established, until free commercial intercourse originates a new class of ideas and feelings, founded on mutual interests and intercommunication.

Free trade is the dawn of a new era. It is the cause of philanthropy and Christianity. What people more proper to lead in the great movement than the people of the United States? The genius of our institutions is the greatest amount possible of personal freedom. To extend this same degree of freedom to all forms of industry seems to be but a logical deduction from the genius of our institutions. What country better situated for free trade than the United States, occupying the best portion of a great continent, bounding on oceans, gulfs and lakes; situate midway between the great industrial nations of Europe and the teeming and gorgeous East, and in close proximity to the West Indies and South America? We have only to advance under the banner of free trade to command the commerce and invite the capital of the world. By this movement, we would do more for civilization, rogress, peace, philanthropy, Christianity, than it has ever been the lot of any people to accomplish by a single act in the history of the world.

We could not conclude this view of the subject without calling attention to the recent inauguration in Great Britain, under the influence of the celebrated anti-corn law league, headed by Cobden, Bright, and other great intellects, of the policy of free trade. Standing as Great Britain does at the head of the great movement of civilization, administered as her government is with such profound wisdom, her example, in this particular, commands our attention, and the remarkable success which has crowned her efforts invites our co-ope

ration.

In 1842 England was in a decline, laboring under a paralysis from the protective policy; her exports diminishing, her revenue falling off, universal stagnation. Fortunately for England, a great party had grown up demanding free trade, under the lead of some of the greatest thinkers of the age. Sir Robert

Peel was prime minister; he was a great man; he comprehended the exigencies of the situation; he saw that longer persistence in the protective policy was madness; he determined to revolutionize the tariff policy of his country. He struck at the very heart of English monopoloy; he lowered the duty on corn in spite of the execrations of the aristocracy, satisfied with the blessings of the people. In 1845 he made further advances in free trade. Subsequently, under the administration of Lord John Russell, the duties were greatly reduced, and the celebrated act of navigation repealed. The principle on which these modifications of the English tariff went was the freedom of exchanges, and throwing taxation, by the income tax, on property. The results of this policy were most beneficial on the revenue and prosperity of the country. Between 1842 and 1853 duties on imports and the excise were reduced over £10,000,000; yet in 1853 the amount yielded from these sources was only £122,411 less than in 1812. By remodelling their tariff in England on the principle of free exchanges, they added £6,000,000 to the revenue, and remitted £16,000,000 to the people. Besides this, the general prosperity of the country advanced in an astonishing

ratio.

The total exports of England in 1842 were £47,381,023; in 1853, £93,357,306-ninety-seven per cent. greater than in 1842. Such was the restlt under an approximation to free trade under the protective policy which existed in full force from 1812 to 1822, a corresponding period of ten years: the results were, total exports in 1812, £41,716,964; in 1822, £36,968,964, exhibiting a decline of thirteen per cent. The exports of England to the United States in 1842 were £3,526,807; in 1852, £16,134,397-an increase of three hundred and fifty-six per cent. In 1857 the exports from Great Britain to the United States were, in round numbers, £26,000,000, showing a steady increase.

But we need not go to England for an illustration of the advantages of free trade. The United States, in their remarkable development, present the most striking illustration of its benefits. The United States have made the most astonishing advancement in material progress of all the people in history, ancient or modern. Of all the causes operative in producing this result, the establishment by the Federal Constitution of perfect free trade between all the States of the Union is, beyond doubt, the most efficient. Suppose the energies of the country had been crippled by protective tariffs in every State, it would have taken us centuries to attain our present advancement. We have tested by experience the incalculable advantages of free trade within the wide limits of the United

RECIPROCITY TREATIES.

25

States; why should we hesitate to extend to its utmost expansion a system which has worked so beneficially for us? there can be no good reason for not doing so. By our reciprocity treaty with England-the Marcy-Elgin treaty-we have given the border States of the North practical free trade, in a very great degree, with the neighboring British provinces. The results of that free trade experiment are most encouraging. Let us advance boldly in this direction, and lead the nations of the earth in the great march of industrial progress. Our ancestors declared the freedom of the colonies; let us declare the freedom of exchanges; the consequences of the second declaration may not be less important or beneficial than the first.

In conclusion, we may be permitted to say that we do not venture to hope that we can inaugurate a new policy on our line of argument immediately. Such radical changes must be the work of time. We aim, therefore, not so much at immediate practical results as to affect public opinion, and thus insure the ultimate triumph of the principle we advocate.

With this view, then, instead of reporting bills for immediate action, we have contented ourselves with formularizing our recommendations in certain resolutions, which are hereto annexed.

W. W. BOYCE, Chairman.

1. Resolved, That the vast and increasing expenditure of the Federal Government indicates the necessity of a change in our fiscal system, whereby the protective policy shall be entirely abandoned, and a resort had, at as early a period as may be practical, exclusively to direct taxation.

2. Resolved, That the existing tariff is defective, as being founded on the protective policy; as taxing certain articles of prime necessity too high; as not discriminating sufficiently, so as to throw the burden of taxation as much as possible on articles of luxury, to the exemption of articles of necessity, and as placing certain articles on the free list which should pay duty; and that any modifications of the tariff which may be made, should be made so as to avoid these defects, and for the purpose of using the tariff merely as a fiscal instrumentality.

3. Resolved, That the highest development of the industrial resources of the country is to be attained by the greatest freedom of exchanges, which can only be thoroughly accomplished by the entire abolition of duties on imports, and a resort exclusively to direct taxation.

4. Resolved, That the system of direct taxation presenting the most advantages is, for each State to collect and pay over its quota, to be ascertained by the constitutional rule of apportionment; thus insuring perfect equality, and dispensing with multitudes of federal officers.

5. Resolved, That the navigation laws should be so modified as not to require any portion of the officers and crews of American ships to be American citizens, and that American citizens shall be free to purchase and sail foreign built ships on an entire equality with American built ships, and that the American coasting trade shall be open on terms of perfect equality to foreign ships.

Statement of the Receipts and Expenditures of the United States during the years 1790, 1800, 1810, 1820, 1830, 1840, 1850, and 1857.

Expenditures of the Government during the years 1790, 1800, 1810, 1820, 1830, 1840, 1850, and 1857.

68, 969, 212

1,774,513

19,442,646

48, 592, 888

5,589,547
4,056, 500

25,032, 193 47,649, 388

68, 965, 312

82,820, 629
89,669,293
63,762,242

$570 $1,919,559 $5,287,949 $7,207,589 $4,118,593

1850 to 1857 estimating ratio of increase of

population at same ratio as per 1840 to 1850, 2 20 .......do....... 2 14

ART. II.-EQUALITY OF THE RACES-HAYTIEN AND BRITISH EX

PERIMENTS.

THE DOGMA OF THE NATURAL MENTAL EQUALITY OF THE BLACK AND WHITE RACES CONSIDERED.

WHEN the anti-slavery doctrines were first taught, and for many years after, one of the main positions of the advocates was, the assumption of the natural equality and capacity for mental improvement of the black and white races, or the negro and Caucasian. This bold assumption of the one party was either tacitly admitted, or but rarely and faintly denied, by the other. It was then generally supposed that, with full opportunity and facilities, and sufficient time for improvement, the negro could be raised to be equal to the white man in mental acquirements-or, at least, to the capacity for selfgovernment, and self-support, and preservation. There had then been no sufficiently long and full practical trial or experiment of this doctrine. Since, there have been ample trials in practice which have served so fully to prove the contrary, that no unprejudiced mind can now admit the equality of intellect of the two races, or even the capacity of the black race either to become or remain industrious, civilized, when in a state of freedom and under self-gevernmentor, indeed, in any other condition than when held enslaved and directed by white men. A few general statements and comments thereon will be here presented, on each of the several great and long continued experiments of freedom conferred on negroes, either as individuals, or in societies and communities, independent of the white race.

THE INTELLECTUAL INFERIORITY OF THE BLACK RACE, TESTED BY FACTS, IN THE UNITED STATES.

Hundreds of thousands of individual cases of emancipated slaves, and their descendants, have existed in this country in