filibustering movement, the last hour of the time for debate was occupied by members in brief explanation of their votes. This, though not pleasing to some radical friends of the amendment, who were impatient to have the vote taken, was wise parliamentary strategy and was effective in preventing all dilatory proceedings. As the debate was closed and the members settled down to the roll-call some of the strong advocates of the measure nervously and in subdued tones said: "It is the toss of a copper," but General Ashley, knowing more than he had disclosed concerning the purposes of some members, maintained that on the final vote the majority for the amendment would be from four to seven more than was required for its passage.

The scene was one of imposing grandeur. All available space on the floor and in the galleries was occupied. Members of the Supreme Court and of the Senate, with many distinguished people, were in attendance, and the diplomatic gallery was brilliant with the colors worn by representatives from foreign nations.

The great chamber was filled with the atmosphere of intense purpose and all seemed to realize that the most momentous issue of the nation's history was about to be decided.

There were two motions and two roll-calls before the motion to pass the amendment was reached. The first was a motion to lay on the table the motion to reconsider the vote of June 15th. The vote against this motion, while sufficient to defeat it, was two less than the necessary two-thirds required to pass the amendment, and in the deep silence that prevailed Thaddeus Stevens and Elihu B. Washburne, two distinguished members of the House, were heard to say with solemnity, "General, we are defeated!" But in a ringing and inspiring voice that was heard in all the chamber and also in the galleries, General Ashley promptly replied: "No, gentlemen, we are not!"

Then came the motion made by General Ashley to recon

sider the vote of June 15th when the amendment was defeated and which was called up by him on the 6th of January. This was known to be more nearly a test vote than was the one to lay on the table, and many threw down their tally sheets and pencils, utterly discouraged, when it was seen that the vote to reconsider lacked one of the two-thirds. But the motion to reconsider required only a majority and was carried, bringing the House to the original motion which failed in June to submit to the states the constitutional amendment abolishing and forever prohibiting slavery.

It now became difficult to proceed, as all realized that the knife was at the throat of slavery and that only one additional vote was required to accomplish its execution. There was a tear in the tone of the clerk as he proceeded with the final roll-call. Not a sound was heard as the vote was being taken save the voice of the clerk, and each member's aye or no as his name was called. The affirmative votes were given with far greater volume of voice than were those in the negative. Special emphasis was laid on the aye by some lifelong antislavery members, and a very few democrats responded with a no that had an undertone of bitterness. There was a sound of painful regret in some of the negative votes and in others there was a seeming apology and plea for pardon. Those members who for the first time then voted against slavery did so with that apparent delight which is experienced by those who escape from galling bondage.

These are not mere gleanings from contemporary documents. They are the impressions of an eye-witness whose soul was in his eyes as he witnessed those proceedings and made note of them for publication. But to proceed, the name of Governor English of Connecticut was reached early in the roll-call and his vote for the amendment, given with a strong, full voice, was greeted with hearty approval, as were the affirmative votes of other stalwart democrats. Especially enthusiastic were the greetings accorded the votes of those members whose purposes to support the amendment were not

known to the public until their names were reached in the final roll-call on that day.

When the member whose name was last on the roll had voted, the name of Speaker Colfax was called at his request, and his vote in the affirmative was greeted with generous applause, after which he arose and said: "The constitutional majority of two-thirds having voted in the affirmative the Joint Resolution is passed." Pencils and tally sheets had been so largely laid aside during this last vote, and both the friends and opponents of the measure were so fully convinced that it would be defeated that quite a period of silence and of seeming bewilderment elapsed before the audience realized that the amendment had been passed. There was then a scene such as had never before occurred in the House, and such as has seldom been witnessed in any great legislative body. An account of the event which I wrote for publication on the 31st of January, immediately after the vote was taken, is now before me, and is as follows:

"The House has just passed the Constitutional Amendment forever prohibiting slavery in the United States by a vote of 119 yeas to 56 noes-an excess of seven over the requisite two-thirds majority. A tremendous burst of applause both upon the floor and in the galleries greeted the announcement of the result. The Speaker demanded order and rapped loudly upon his desk, but joy beamed in his eye and the delighted expression of his countenance added fuel to the flames of enthusiasm which he could not suppress. None appeared in such an ecstasy of delight as the boys in blue, who were in attendance in large numbers. The opponents of the measure, as if terrified by these joyous demonstrations, seemed to shrink from the scrutiny of the delighted heroes in army uniform as frost-bitten plants wilt in the genial sunshine of the king of day.

"Of the three epochs in the history of our country, the landing of the Pilgrims, the signing of the Declaration of Independence, and the adoption of this antislavery amendment,

the latter in its importance is not the least. The prominent actors in the two former scenes are held in affectionate remembrance. Those of the latter are not less worthy. It is a source of just pride to every true American that not one of the immortals who signed the Declaration of Independence ever by word or deed dimmed the luster of the halo which encircles his name. May the future record of those who voted for this amendment be equally bright and lustrous."

This newspaper report, hastily written more than half a century ago, in the excitement and confusion of that great civic triumph, is moderate in its reference to the demonstrations which were led by distinguished members of Congress, many of whom standing upon their desks, cheered and shouted with wild delight like college boys at a crisis in an athletic struggle. Cabinet ministers, Supreme Court Justices, and members of the senate joined heartily in the demonstrations of approval, in which many women of distinction fittingly participated. When that patriotic tumult in the House was at its height there was heard the boom of cannon proclaiming to the greater multitude the unspeakable achievement for the nation and for humanity.

In the excitement that prevailed the able and skillful leader of this movement was not forgotten, but General Ashley could not be found to receive the ovation which members of the House and friends of the measure sought to bestow upon him, for immediately after the vote was taken he called a carriage and was the first to delight the heart of President Lincoln by announcing to him the great news and extending hearty congratulations upon the complete triumph of emancipation.

It will prove both interesting and instructive carefully to analyze the vote by which this important provision was made a part of the National Constitution. At the final vote on the 31st of January, 1865, when the amendment passed the House, every republican member of that body voted for it. Had every northern democratic member and every member from

the Border States voted against it the measure would have been defeated by 65 votes. It was an omni-partisan victory. To the solid republican vote there was added the votes of 17 northern democrats-8 from New York, 5 from Ohio, 2 from Pennsylvania, 1 from Connecticut, and I from Michigan. To these were added 19 votes by members from the Border States-7 from Missouri, 4 from Kentucky, 4 from Maryland, 3 from West Virginia, and I from Delaware. Four northern democrats who voted for the amendment on the 15th of June continued loyal to that record and were joined by 13 other northern democrats.

As stated upon a preceding page, at the beginning of the campaign for votes there was prepared by General Ashley a list of the names of members whose votes for the amendment it was thought possible by earnest efforts to secure. Of the 36 members thus selected, 24 voted for the measure, 2 were absent, and only 10 voted against it.

Judge Yeaman was not in error when in his letter of December 29th, hereinbefore set forth, he expressed his apprehension that his support of the amendment would cost him his political head in his district, for he never again held an elective office. And each one of the 24 northern democrats and Border State men who voted for the amendment was at that time the representative in Congress of a democratic district, as was the case with Judge Yeaman, and for that greatest act of his life he incurred the severe and permanent displeasure of his constituents. Not one of their number escaped. Not one ever afterwards held an elective office, and their punishment, though severe and cruel, was not unexpected, for in all our efforts to secure their votes for the amendment, we frankly admitted that by supporting the measure they probably would commit political suicide.

Due credit should be given to those who, by able, welldirected and persevering effort overcame such great difficulties and induced a sufficient number to make such sacrifices for a great cause, and undying honor should be given to those men