the event occurred at a prior meeting. That, however, could not have been the case, for at all meetings of the Cabinet to consider emancipation previous to the meeting of December 30th it was the preliminary proclamation that was considered and the Chase amendment was not added to the preliminary proclamation but to the final document that freed the slaves. The "Draft of the Emancipation Proclamation of January First, 1863, as submitted to the Cabinet for Final Revision December 30th, 1862," is published in full in the Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. VIII., pp. 155, 156, 157, and does not contain the Chase amendment. That amendment was written by Mr. Chase at President Lincoln's request and is as follows: "And upon this act, sincerely believed to be an act of justice, warranted by the Constitution upon military necessity, I invoke the considerate judgment of mankind and the gracious favor of Almighty God." 11

11

When that amendment was read by Mr. Chase at the meeting of the Cabinet it was at once accepted in full by Mr. Lincoln, who added the three words, "upon military necessity," and made it the closing paragraph of the proclamation. And as that amendment is not in the copy of the proclamation which was considered by the Cabinet December 30th, and is in the proclamation that was issued two days later, we are assured that it must have been presented and accepted by the President at that Cabinet meeting of December 30th.

In the news items published at that time there was no intimation of that meeting of the Cabinet for the "final revision" of the Emancipation Proclamation, and there was some apprehension throughout the country that the President would be induced to refrain from issuing the edict on the 1st of January as was promised in the preliminary document. When New Year's Day arrived all things moved along as usual at the White House. The great popular reception was more brilliant and more largely attended than any like func11 Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. VIII., p 164.

tion under President Lincoln had been, and there was no mention of the momentous document that was known to be due at sometime during that day. The anxious nation, and the attentive world, were listening to every click of the telegraphic machinery which at length announced that the proclamation of freedom had been signed by President Lincoln. He had been severely taxed by the prolonged New Year's Day reception, and his right hand was swollen from greeting the thousands of people during several successive hours, but there is no trace of tremor in the signature “Abraham Lincoln" which was that day attached to the Emancipation Proclamation that was the beginning of the end of slavery in

"The land of the free, and the home of the brave."

In the great centers of population there were cannon in readiness to boom forth the glad tidings, and before nightfall the rural districts also were alive with demonstrations of patriotic delight.

Mr. Lincoln repeatedly avowed his conviction that the Emancipation Proclamation was constitutional and valid and would never be declared otherwise. Before issuing it he stated many times and with great clearness and force that it was not only his right but his imperative duty to employ all necessary means to preserve the Union. His illustration. of a surgeon "sacrificing a limb to save a life" was an unequivocal declaration of his belief in the validity of the measures that destroyed slavery to save the nation. In the final Emancipation Proclamation he expressed the belief that that document was "warranted by the constitution upon military necessity" and that belief was many times expressed by him in clear and forceful language. Six months after the final proclamation was issued, in a letter to General S. A. Hurlbut, dated July 31st, 1863, he said of the proclamation: "I think it is valid in law and will be so held by the courts. Those who shall have tasted actual freedom I believe can never be slaves or quasi-slaves again." 12

12 Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. IX., p. 22.

August 26th, 1863, in the Conkling letter he said to the opponents of his administration in Illinois: "You dislike the Emancipation Proclamation, and perhaps would have it retracted. You say it is unconstitutional. I think differently. I think the Constitution invests its commander-in-chief with the law of war in time of war. The most that can be saidif so much is that slaves are property. Is there has there ever been any question that by the law of war, property, both of enemies and friends, may be taken when needed? And is it not needed whenever taking it helps us, or hurts the enemy."

99 13

Mr. Lincoln's

FIDELITY TO EMANCIPATION

was one of the most beautiful features of his life. From the 22nd of July, 1862, when he first submitted the preliminary proclamation to the Cabinet, he never wavered in his adherence to the policy that gave freedom to the slaves. Of necessity that policy to be effective had to include the enlistment and training of colored soldiers and their participation in military activities, the employment by the government of colored laborers and care for dependent colored people.

All this and more of a kindred character President Lincoln accepted without hesitation or reserve and supported with all the authority and power with which his great office was invested.

He did not enter upon that policy rashly nor with haste. Before his first inauguration he realized that Emancipation might become a necessity and he conferred freely, though in strict confidence, with Hon. Robert J. Walker relative to the matter before he had been President three-fourths of a year.

On the 21st of November, 1861, in an interview with Governor Walker and Mr. James R. Gilmore, in disclosing the possibility of an edict of freedom, he said: "If such a proclamation should once be issued we should have to stand 18 Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. IX., p. 98.

by it and refuse any settlement with the South that did not recognize the freedom of the slave." 14

That was just like Abraham Lincoln, and during succeeding years that statement to Walker and Gilmore was followed by many declarations of a similar character, and by such measures as were needed to make them effective.

On the evening after he had signed the final Emancipation Proclamation, in a conversation with Mr. Colfax, President Lincoln declared: "The South had fair warning that if they did not return to their duty I should strike at the pillar of their strength. The promise must now be kept and I shall never recall one word."

August 26th, 1863, in the Conkling letter before mentioned, he said: "The proclamation as law either is valid or it is not valid. If it is not valid it needs no retraction. If it is valid it cannot be retracted any more than the dead can be brought to life. . . . Negroes, like other people, act upon motives. Why should they do anything for us if we will do nothing for them? If they stake their lives for us they must be prompted by the strongest motives, even the promise of freedom. And that promise being made must be kept." 15

December 8th, 1863, President Lincoln in his annual message to Congress, in referring to the messages relating to slavery, indited these weighty words: "Those laws and proclamations were enacted and put forth for the purpose of aiding in the suppression of the Rebellion. To give them their fullest effect, there had to be a pledge for their maintenance. In my judgment they have aided, and will further aid, the cause for which they were intended. To now abandon them would be not only to relinquish a lever of power, but would also be a cruel and an astonishing breach of faith. I may add, at this point, that while I remain in my present position I shall not attempt to retract or modify the Emancipation Proclamation; nor shall I return to slavery any per

14 Personal Recollections of Abraham Lincoln, p. 60.

15 Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. IX., pp. 99-100.

son who is free by the terms of that proclamation, or by any of the acts of Congress." 18

16

Accompanying the annual message from which the foregoing is quoted, President Lincoln sent to Congress a proclamation of amnesty which he had issued, in which he required all insurgents desiring pardon to take and subscribe to the following oath: "I, do solemnly swear, in presence

of Almighty God, that I will henceforth faithfully support, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States, and the union of the States thereunder; and that I will, in like manner, abide by and faithfully support all acts of Congress passed during the existing Rebellion with reference to slaves, so long and so far as not repealed, modified, or held void by Congress, or by decision of the Supreme Court; and that I will, in like manner, abide by and faithfully support all proclamations of the President made during the existing Rebellion having reference to slaves, so long and so far as not modified or declared void by decision of the Supreme Court. So help me God."17

July 9th, 1864, in a letter to Horace Greeley, he stated that any terms of peace to be considered by him must include "the restoration of the Union and the abandonment of slavery."

July 18th, 1864, in a proclamation "to whom it may concern," he repeated the statement that terms of peace must include "the abandonment of slavery," and the parole prepared by him about the same time required those who should seek parole to pledge their honors not to hinder nor discourage the enlistment or employment by the Union Government of colored soldiers.

August 15th, 1864, in an interview with John T. Mills, he declared that he "should deserve to be damned in time and eternity" if he should "return to slavery the black warriors of the Union Army," and added, "come what will I will keep

16 Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. IX., p. 249. 17 Ibid., p. 220.