Lincoln for the ensuing Presidential election. The members of the House crowded about me to know what effect such a measure would have at the South. Great was the joy of those surrounding me when I said: "The rebels are now exhausted of money and men and hope; their only chance is that Mr. Lincoln may be set aside, as they would regard that as a repudiation of his policy, and are sure that peace to the Confederacy, with formal dissolution of the Union, would follow.'

The Confederate leaders were not only deeply interested in the movement for the defeat of President Lincoln, but were endeavoring to accomplish that result by keeping a strong commission of the ablest politicians of the South constantly at Niagara Falls to confer and co-operate with their allies in the North respecting this matter. Those commissioners were for months in frequent and prolonged consultation with leaders of the opposition movement to secure such action of the Chicago Democratic Convention as would accomplish the result for which they were striving.

In his "Southern History of the War," E. A. Pollard, an ardent Confederate, says: "No doubt can rest in history, that at the time of the Chicago Convention (which named McClellan) the democratic party in the North had prepared a secret program of operations, the final and inevitable conclusion of which was the acknowledgment of the Confederate states."

In commenting on this declaration of Mr. Pollard, Horace Greeley said: "We have always supposed that there was a general understanding arrived at between the rebel commissioners in Canada and their democratic visitors from this side as to what should be said and done at Chicago."

Relative to that Confederate Commission at Niagara Falls, and its purpose, President Lincoln, on July 25th, 1864, in a letter to Abram Wakeman, postmaster of New York City, said:

4 Abraham Lincoln, Tributes from his Associates, p. 93.

"The men of the South recently (and perhaps still) at Niagara Falls tell us distinctly that they are in the confidential employment of the Rebellion; and they tell us as distinctly that they are not empowered to offer terms of peace. Does any one doubt that what they are empowered to do is to assist in selecting and arranging a candidate and a platform for the Chicago convention? . Thus the present Presidential contest will almost certainly be no other than a contest between a union and a disunion candidate, disunion certainly following the success of the latter. The issue is a mighty one for all people and all times, and whoever aids the right will be appreciated and remembered.”

During all the summer of 1864 those Confederate commissioners remained at Niagara Falls. They were thus in close touch with their friends, the leaders of the peace party in the loyal states, and their presence at the Falls afforded those leaders seeming justification for the claim that they were there for the purpose of endeavoring to secure peace by negotiation. This utterly untruthful claim was urged by those peace leaders with very great vigor and enthusiasm, and was given a marvelous degree of credence by a constantly increasing number of loyal people in the North.

The Confederate leaders never had uttered a word that would justify these claims and many times had declared that they would never consider any terms of peace without disunion and Southern independence. But during this Presidential campaign they had cunningly remained silent respecting this matter, in order to afford their friends in the North seeming justification for the claim that they had been sobered by reverses in the field, and were ready to negotiate for peace with "The Constitution as it is and the Union as it was."

THE INTERVIEW WITH JEFFERSON DAVIS

Just at this crisis, when the false claims of the opposition were being given such wide credence, and when to those of 5 Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. X., pp. 170-171.

us who were active in the work of national preservation, it seemed that the nation was rapidly drifting upon the nearby rocks of national dismemberment, on the 7th of July, 1864, the volunteer ambassadors of peace-Jaquess and Gilmore— went forth from Washington, D. C., the one in the name of God, to demand of Jefferson Davis and his associates submission to the authority of the national government; and the other, in case this demand was rejected, to bring back and proclaim throughout the nation declarations which that Confederate leader should make, and which were expected to give the lie to the claims being made respecting the possibility of a peaceable restoration of the Union. Such a declaration, if secured and widely published, would stop the mouths of those who were declaring the war a failure, and demanding a dishonorable and destructive peace.

On July 9th, the second day after their departure from Washington, Mr. Gilmore and Colonel Jaquess arrived at City Point, and were cordially received by General Grant, who expressed great delight at meeting Colonel Jaquess, with whom he was well acquainted and of whom he had a very high opinion. When informed that they desired to visit Richmond, General Grant was doubtful of his ability to secure for them the permission of the Confederate authorities to do so.

But after several days, during which they were guests of General Butler, the permission was received, when an unexpected and seemingly insurmountable obstacle was encountered in the peremptory refusal of General Grant to permit them to proceed unless he was informed respecting the purposes for which they wished to visit Richmond. Mr. Lincoln's written pass given to Mr. Gilmore did not avail to cause General Grant to relent; but after he had wired the President, at Mr. Gilmore's suggestion, and had received his answer, he not only opened the way for them to proceed on their journey, but gave them an imposing escort to the Confederate lines. General Grant's sudden change of mind and his arrangements

for the continuance of the journey of these envoys was another illustration of President Lincoln's purpose to see that these two self-appointed ambassadors should have the opportunity to prosecute their mission unhindered by any obstacle within the Union lines. What he said that night in his telegraphic reply to General Grant is not known, but we are assured that his message was so worded as to cause his hand to be unseen in opening to them the doors which General Grant's military prudence had closed, and in causing them to be provided by General Grant with such a distinguished escort as made upon the Confederate officers a profound and favorable impression.

When Mr. Gilmore and Colonel Jaquess finally reached the Confederate capital they were placed under strict surveillance, which continued by day and night until their departure for the North. They were, however, treated with marked courtesy and were granted the desired interview with Jefferson Davis and the Hon. Judah P. Benjamin, the Confederate Secretary of State.

At the preliminary interview with Mr. Benjamin, Colonel Jaquess said: "We bring no overtures and have no authority from our Government. We stated that in our note. We would be glad, however, to know what terms would be acceptable to Mr. Davis. If they at all harmonize with Mr. Lincoln's views we will report them to him, and so open the door for official negotiations."

When asked, "Did Mr. Lincoln in any way authorize you to come here?" Colonel Jaquess replied: "No, sir. We come with his pass, but not by his request. We say distinctly we have no official or unofficial authority. We come as men and Christians, not as diplomats, hoping, in a frank talk with Mr. Davis to discover some way by which this war may be stopped."

With this frank and unequivocal statement made by Colonel Jaquess to Mr. Benjamin, the requested interview with Mr. Davis was secured, and the terms of peace agreed upon

by President Lincoln and Mr. Chase were submitted. And it was stated that while they had no authority to submit any terms, there was reason for the belief that the terms stated would be acceptable to Mr. Lincoln and the government.

At the beginning of the interview Colonel Jaquess said to Mr. Davis: "We have asked this interview in the hope that you may suggest some way by which this war may be stopped. Our people want peace, your people do, and your Congress has recently said that you do. We have come to ask how it can be brought about."

To this statement Mr. Davis with characteristic assurance replied: “In a very simple way. Withdraw your armies from our territory and peace will come of itself. . . . Let us alone, and peace will come at once."

"But," replied the Colonel, "we cannot let you alone so long as you repudiate the Union; that is the one thing the Northern people will not surrender."

"I know," said Mr. Davis. "You would deny to us what you exact for yourselves—the right of self-government. You have shown such bitterness toward the South, you have put such an ocean of blood between the two countries that I despair of seeing any harmony in my time. Our children may forget this war, but we cannot."

To this emphatic statement by Mr. Davis, Colonel Jaquess calmly and with dignity replied: "I think the bitterness you speak of, sir, does not really exist. We meet and talk here as friends; our soldiers meet and fraternize with each other, and I feel sure that if the Union were restored a more friendly feeling will arise between us than ever has existed. The war has made us know and respect each other better than before. This is the view of very many Southern men. I have had it from very many of them-your leading citizens."

To this loving and persuasive statement by Colonel Jaquess Mr. Davis icily replied: "They are mistaken. They do not understand Southern sentiment. How can we feel anything but bitterness toward men who deny us our rights? If you