which this question presents. It seems to us the problem is to be solved on our own soil. The scheme of driving 4,000,000 of "Native Americans," from their homes savors very strongly of the impracticable. It would require at least one hundred million dollars to transport them, not to speak of purchasing land for them in their new homes. Then, too, it looks a great deal like a bad stroke of political economy to colonize 4,000,000 hands and leave the mouths behind. Who is going to do the work on southern plantations? Who is going to raise cotton for Lowell and Lawrence and Lancashire? But the naked injustice of the proposition should be its sufficient condemnation. It is revolting to the humanity of the age. We have had our feet on the necks of the blacks for more than two hundred years. For the last thirty years they have been producing for annual exportation, nearly a billion pounds of cotton, besides keeping more than two millions of spindles running in New England, to omit all reference to the rice and sugar which have been manufactured out of their sweat and blood; they have, also, built up all the cities of the South and contributed largely to enrich every Northern city. We ought not only to set them free, but say to them, "We have sinned against you, forgive us! here are our riches, our commerce, our schools and colleges, you helped us get them, now take your share of them!" But, instead of that, we propose to put the climax to our crimes by forcing them to a home they do not choose. 21 May God forgive us, if he have mercy enough! Much is said about the irreconcilable prejudice against color. Well then, if the whites and blacks cannot live together in peace, in a state of freedom, plainly the fault is with the whites, and if either race is to be colonized, it is 21 We say forcing, for we have no idea that the blacks generally could ever be made willing to leave the home of their birth. We believe the following terse, Anglo-Saxon resolutions, adopted at a meeting of the colored citizens of Boston, express the feelings of the great majority of American Africans. Resolved, That when we wish to leave the United States, we can find and pay for that territory that shall suit us best. Resolved. That when we are ready to leave we shall be able to pay our own expenses of travel. Resolved, That we don't want to go now. Resolved, That if any body else wants us to go, they must compel us. evident which ought to go. We claim nothing for the black Iman which we would withhold from the white. We claim nothing for the white which we are not willing to grant to the black. All we ask is an open field and fair fight. Take your feet from the African's neck and give him a fair chance. If he has muscle let him show its strength. If he has brains let him exercise them. Open the lists to all comers and give the prize to the swiftest foot, whether it be black or white. This is simply the naked demand of pure democracy and genuine Christianity. Much has been said about the inferiority of the blacks as compared with the whites. Inferior in their intellectual development they unquestionably are, still we may stoop from our intellectual pride to learn of their simple and earnest religious faith, which, in its strength and childlikeness, seems to carry us back to the best days of Hebrew life. Says one who has recently returned from a visit to Port Royal for the purpose of inquiring into the the condition of the contrabands, As persons deprived of one sense acquire greater suscepti bility in those that remain, so it would seem that these people, degraded in body, stunted in intellect, scarred and twisted out of shape in their muscular and mental forms of existence, have acquired additional strength in their spiritual life. Religion is universal among them. To be sure, in most cases it is a mere sentiment or habit, and not sufficient to preserve them against temptation; but in many cases it is a living and active operative principle. Their convictions are strong and their experiences vivid. They speak of "seeing God" and "hearing God" with a simplicity of faith which sounds fanatical, but which to the philosophical mind is quite consistent with reason. Their spiritual perceptions are like sight or sound, and thus it is that they are supported in their trials. God is a present refuge to them in every time of trouble. "Francis," said I to an old gray-haired man who was conning over his spelling-book, "why do you take the trouble to learn to read? You say it is hard work and very discouraging; why do you try?" "Because, massa, I want to be satisfied; I want to read de Word of God." "But can't you know the Word of God without reading it in a book?" "Yes, massa, I do know it. I know it here!" striking himself on the breast, "but I want to read it for myself." I had asked the same question of an elderly woman, on the Sunday previous, at Sunday School. She was one of those spiritual-faced ones whom you will sometimes find among the most illiterate. Her countenance told a story of suffering and triumph. "Tamar," said I, "why, at your age, do you take so much trouble to learn to read?""Because I want to read de word of de Lord." "But can't you know the Word of the Lord without reading it?" "Yes, massa, I can hear it, but I want to read it." "How can you hear it?" "I here de voice here," laying her hand on her breast, "I have hern it, massa." "When, Tamar, did you ever hear it?" Turning upon me her full and deep eyes, she said, "One morning, Sa; one morning I went out to de woods before daylight to pray. My heart was full of sorrow; and when I was praying, de Lord spoke to me!" And what did he say, Tamar?" "He said, Tamar! all you're sins is forgiven; you're my chile," "Well," said I, waiting for her to go on. "Den I was filled with lub and joy; my heart was full of lub for everybody." "Not for your old master, too, Tamar? "Yes, sir, for my master, and everybody." Now, who will say that this old women had not heard the voice of God, and whose religious faith will bear a stronger test than hers? 22 It surely is time for us to cease speaking of the inferiority of these children of nature who seem to stand in the very presence-chamber of the Infinite. It may be within the designs of Divine Providence to humble our haughtiness by having us led into the kingdom by a black hand, and so in that coming day of righteousness, the Saxon may furnish mental culture, and the African the beautiful element of trust, giving us in their union a government of knowledge and holiness. Our motto, then, is emancipation immediate and unconditional. We believe emancipation must come; it is for us to say how much it will cost. It must come; it is for us to say whether it shall come through the Union lost or the Union saved. The negro holds the key of the destiny of these thirty-three States. He is waiting to see which of the two great contending parties into which this country is divided, will take it from his hands. Emancipation is expedient. It would effectually crush the rebellion. It is safe. It would bring no harm to the slave-holder if he will be wise. It will not harm the non 22 Speech of J. M. McKim in Sanson Hall, Philadelphia, July 9, 1862. slave-holding white, or the slave. On the contrary, it will bring the blessings of morality and intelligence to all parties. Freedom will multiply churches and schools and stimulate enterprise. It will harm nothing but what is wrong, and that ought to be harmed; it will introduce nothing but the reign of God, and this ought to be introduced. Emancipation will increase the material prosperity of the South and make it eventually as the garden of God. We have looked on, for more than a hundred years, and seen slavery cursing this rich portion of our country and keeping productiveness down to the minimum quantity, and a just regard for the material interests of the world, demands that it should cease. Every one who wears a cotton shirt or consumes a pound of sugar, or is engaged in manufactures, is personally interested in emancipation. Finally, emancipation is just. Humanity demands it. The time was when we could have trusted this mighty question to the quiet power of peaceful principles. That day has past. Its defenders have appealed to the sword, and by the sword it must now be decided. In Mexico, whatever fruit-tree you plant, whether pear, apple, or cherry, it bears not that fruit, but the guava. So in the South no matter what has been planted, the fruit has been slavery. Our fathers planted Christianity and Republicanism. The harvest has been slavery. Slavery and Liberty cannot co-exist. The slave-holder sees this quicker than we have done. In the biography of Knibb, one of the Baptist Missionaries of Jamaica, we find it stated that he and his coadjutors came to an agreement with the planters that slavery and Christianity could not exist together." Well, then," said the planters, "we will exterminate Christianity!" The missionaries responded, "No; we will abolish slavery!" Each party addressed itself to its separate work. We know which went to the wall. It was slavery, not Christianity. The friends of freedom and the planters of America, have come to the conclusion that slavery and liberty cannot exist side by side. "Then liberty shall be uprooted," said the planters. This rebellion is their mad attempt to fulfill that threat. It will not succeed. Slavery, not freedom is to get the death grip. They try to resist Some men would have it otherwise. the logic of events. But they are kicking against the pricks. The question is taken out of their hands. They are simply instruments of a higher power. They cannot control fate. It is not for the drift-wood in a stream to direct the current. "Mine eyes have seen the glory of the coming of the Lord, Some are crying, " On to victory! Suppress the rebellion and restore the Union!" Others are feeling there is only one way to do this, and so, above this cry, there is beginning to be heard a voice deep and loud calling, "On to Freedom!" It is the voice of God. We trust it will be heard. It must be heard. A. B. ART. XXVI. The Broad Church. "And it shall come to pass in the last days that the mountain of the Lord's house shall be established in the top of the mountains, and shall be exalted above the hills, and all nations shall flow unto it."-Isaiah ii. 2. By common consent of Jews and Christians, this prophecy is applied to the reign of the Messiah. But if we review the history of the Church, we shall find no period hitherto, of which it could be fairly spoken; because the spread of Christianity, wide as it has become, has yet vast regions and many nations to embrace, before the prophecy could be fulfilled even in the outward and nominal condition of mankind. And of nominally Christian nations, it is, alas, too well known how few souls submit in any spiritual sense to the yoke of Christ. Isaiah, therefore, sang of a day still future; promising in that future a spiritual empire of Christ wide enough to embrace the family of man. The idea, then, of a Broad Church, is no novelty and no |