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[DECEMBER 24, 1832.

should rise in his place to start objections to the inquiry. another time; but if the information were to be asked for Discussion of the subject was now out of place. In or- from the Department, in the form of a bill, it would carry der to test the sense of the Senate on his motion, and to an appearance as if no member of the Senate, or any one see how gentlemen voted, he would ask for the yeas and else, could draw a bill, in terms of technical accuracy, but a clerk of a Department. He was unwilling to let it go forth to the world that a Senator could not frame a bill; and would prefer that the necessary information should be asked for informally.


A sufficient number rising to sustain the call, the yeas and nays were then ordered.

Mr. SMITHI said that it devolved on him to state some of the reasons which had induced him to vote against the consideration of this resolution at the present time. The Senator from Mississippi had said that he wished to draw from the Secretary his scheme as to the reduction of the duties. Now, the Committee on Finance had presented resolution expressly calling for this scheme, in the most plain and practical form, that of a bill. The honorable Senator had objected to that resolution, because it called for a bill.


Mr. POINDEXTER explained that he thought bills should originate in the legislative branch, and with the Executive departments.

YEAS.-Messrs. Bell, Bibb, Clayton, Dickerson, Ewing, Foot, Frelinghuysen, Hendricks, Holmes, Knight, Miller, Moore, Poindexter, Prentiss, Robbins, Ruggles, Seymour, Silsbee, Tipton, Tomlinson—20.

NAYS.-Messrs. Benton, Brown, Buckner, Dudley, Grundy, Hill, Kane, King, Mangum, Robinson, Smith, Sprague, Tyler, White, Wilkins-15.

So the Senate agreed to consider the resolution. The resolution was then again read, and Mr. POINDEXTER modified it, by inserting after the words "six millions of dollars," the words "as expressed in his annual report."

Mr. SMITH resumed. If that resolution had been adopted, the Senate would have been furnished with a bill, embracing every item on which a reduction of duties Mr. KING considered the modification which had just was contemplated. He then adverted to the distinct cha- been made as rendering the resolution still more objecracter of the message of the Executive, and the reports tionable. There was no such expression in the annual from the Secretaries, and contended that the views in the report of the Secretary, as was attributed to it by the moformer, did not, of necessity, control those in the latter. dification. The resolution referred solely to what were A call, in reference to articles essential in war, might be termed "protected articles." Such was not the language directed to the President or to the Secretary of War, but of the report of the Secretary. The language of the letcould not be properly addressed to any other department. ter was principally on protected articles, and did not conThe Senator from Mississippi had stated that this reso-vey the idea of reduction on protected articles exclusively. lution embraced no important principle. Now, he (Mr. Ile did not understand what the Senator from MississipS.) thought it touched one of great importance. He re-pi meant by persons having information in their possession, collected that Congress called on General Hamilton for which other gentlemen did not possess; and that the Sehis opinions. The opinions of that gentleman had, at cretary would give his opinion sub rosa. He was certain that time, great weight on a certain portion of the peo-there was nothing in his language to warrant the impresple; they had great influence on almost all the opposition. sion that any gentleman were in possession of exclusive He recollected that Mr. Giles protested against calling on information. He knew of none. And as to the Secretathe Secretary for his opinions, and the call was also op-ry of the Treasury, he felt assured that that officer would posed by Mr. Madison, John Nicholas, and others. The not shrink from an avowal of his opinions; but that he ground taken was, that it was the duty of the Secretary was ready at any moment to show his hand. to furnish only facts when they were required, and that it was for Congress to construct opinions out of these facts. The information which was now asked by the resolution would have no influence on his mind, or on his course, -although it might have its weight with other Senators. He was opposed to calling on any head of department for his opinions. It was only for them to furnish the facts. The resolution involved the principle which had been discussed in 1797. He would not consent now to call on the

The Committee of Ways and Means of the other House had been laboring, with the aid of the Secretary of the Treasury, to frame a bill, and were now ready to make their report. So also the Committee on Manufactures had been occupied in a similar labor. He thought that the Senate ought to wait for the result of their labors, before they proceeded to act on the subject.

But he had another, and a still stronger objection to the resolution. It was a call on the Treasury Department for information which was not within its province. Why should a call be made on the Treasury Department for an enumeration of munitions of war, small arms, and similar necessary articles, when there was in existence a Department of War? Let the call be made there.

The question was then taken on the motion to consider the resolution, and decided as follows:

Secretary for his opinions, any more than he did then, when he opposed the practice on principle. He was indisposed to array the opinions of the Secretary against his own, or those of other Senators. He was, therefore, against the motion to consider.

Mr. HOLMES expressed the difficulty he had to comprehend precisely what had fallen from the Senator from Maryland concerning opinions. That Senator, it appeared, although he would not call on the Secretary for his opinions, would have no objection to call on him for a bill. Now, what was a bill but opinions.

Mr. SMITH. "Facts."

The resolution, he regarded, as not doing justice to the Secretary. It imputed to him expressions for which he was not to be held responsible, and was calculated to produce erroneous impressions. And it called on him for information which was not within his reach. The resolution might, with more propriety, be addressed to the President, and he could send it to a proper officer for a reply.

Mr. HOLMES resumed. A bill was framed in consequence of opinions, and to embody them. And when a When the report of the Secretary of the Treasury was distinction was taken between an opinion and a bill, it received last session from the Department, it met with opseemed to him to be a distinction without a difference, position on every side, and was finally defeated; and it unless the bill called for was not to be received as the opi-was probable that his communication now would meet with nion of the framer. In reporting a bill an opinion was a similar fate. He would now make a proposition which given on the principle on which it was founded, so that, would free the resolution from the objection which he felt as regarded the requisition for the opinions of the Secre- to it as it now stood.

tary, the present and the previous resolution were the Mr. KING then moved to strike out the following same thing. If the Senate was to act at all on the resolu-words: tion, he thought it not material whether it was now, or at

"And that he also append to such report an enumera

Dec. 24, 1832.]

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Mr. BROWN then asked for the reading of the resolution which was offered some days since from the Committee on Finance

The resolution being read,

tion of articles deemed to be essential to our national in-and the Secretary of the Treasury follows out the idea. dependence in time of war,' and which, therefore, ought, He desired to act in conformity with the views of the in his opinion, to be exempted from the operation of the President and the Secretary on this point. But he must proposed reduction of duties.” first ascertain what these articles were. If the Secretary were to furnish the specifications called for by his resolution, would not the Senate act more understandingly and harmoniously? Certainly they would. But any discussion which might be gone into, to determine these artiMr BROWN then said that he should vote against the cles, would be something like the consultation of the citiresolution of the Senator from Misssissippi, even if the zens of the besieged town in the fable; one declared his amendment of the Senator from Alabama should succeed. preference for iron, as the best material for fortification; He preferred the resolution of the Committee on Finance. a second insisted on the superiority of wood; while a He felt assured that the Secretary would not shrink from third declared that there was nothing like leather. So the responsibility of giving his views. In the report which it would be found, that among the Senators there would he had already sent in, he had exhibited candor, frank- be found as great a diversity of opinions. He knew that ness, and an admirable system of doctrines, which enti- the President and the Secretary would not shrink from tled him to confidence. He could not agree with the the avowal of their opinions. He stood forward the adSenator from Alabama, that the Senate ought to suspend vocate of their opinions; and he found himself placed in their action on this subject because the House had not yet a singular position, inasmuch as he was opposed by those acted. At a moment of such deep importance, when the who were the friends of the administration. harmony, and, perhaps, the integrity of the Union are in danger, he thought that there should be no delay, but that the Senate ought to act at once.

The present crisis was one which demanded action: The people wished to know what course Congress were about to pursue; and he hoped they should proceed to act without delay, so that this now distracted country might once more repose in peace and serenity.

Mr. POINDEXTER said the Senator from Maryland seemed to object to a call for opinions on this great subject. Did that gentleman recollect that, in the reports Mr. SMITH said two or three words in explanation of of Mr. Hamilton, as to the condition of the finances, he what he had said concerning the distinctness between the confined himself to statements of facts principally? It was opinions of the President and those of his Secretaries; thought, by some members of Congress, that he should and added, that the Secretary had confined himself to a be called on to communicate his opinions. The demo- general expression, and that the details which were now cratic party were opposed to a call for opinions. But demanded did not lie within his reach. now it had become a fashion with the departments to volunteer their opinions. The report of the Secretary of the Treasury contained opinions expressed in general terms, and the Senate had a right to call for specifications.

Mr. SPRAGUE stated that this was not, in his opinion, a resolution calling for information as to facts. It was only calling for opinions in a more specific form than that in which they had heretofore been given. He was opposed to this practice. He thought that the DepartIt would be recollected by the Senate, that this was not ments had already influence enough, and he would not a new practice. At the last session, they had called on magnify that influence still further by calling on them for the Secretary of the Treasury for his opinions as to the their opinions. The facts were already before the Sereduction of duties. The call was made, as it appeared nate. The fact that the revenue was now greater than on the Journal now before him. The call might with as the wants of the country demanded, was before the Semuch propriety be made now, and he had no doubt that nate. They also knew the amount of the duties on prothe Secretary would be as ready as he was before to give tected articles, and they knew what the articles were on his opinions on the subject. which duties were collected. The amount of the reveThe Senator from Alabama had raised an objection to nue and expenditures, the amount of the duties which the latter part of the resolution, because the Secretary of accrued, and the names of the articles, were all before the Treasury had not carried out the views of the Presi- the Senate. And what more was required? They prodent on this point, but had confined himself to the pro- pose to ask the Secretary of the Treasury his opinion tected articles. He would read what the Secretary had on what articles reductions should be made? He would said on the subject, because if he had not touched this not consent to do this. He thought the Senate were point, it might be improper for the Senate to meddle competent to do it for themselves. It might be true that with it. he would be willing, in this instance, to draw out the Se[Here Mr. POINDEXTER read a paragraph from the re-cretary on the subject of the reductions which he had in port which adverted to the propriety of giving especial view; but he was against the general practice, and not protection to articles which were necessary to the preser- for it. If the Secretary had volunteered certain opivation of our national independence.] nions, he (Mr. S.) was not disposed to ask him for Thus it appeared that the Secretary proposed to ex- more. He objected to this resolution for substantially the empt articles which were "essential to the national inde- same reasons which had induced him to oppose the resopendence in time of war," showing that there existed a lution calling on the Secretary for a bill. But he was, strict coincidence of opinion on the subject, between the in fact, more opposed to that resolution than to the prePresident and Secretary. It was said that the Secretary, sent, because it called for the opinions of the Secretary in the construction of his annual report, acted indepen- in a still more emphatic manner. It had been predicted dently of the views of the President. He did not so un- that the Senate would become merely the recorder of the derstand it. He had always supposed that the Cabinet decrees of the Executive, but he had never yet heard acted in subservience to the President, more especially the suggestion that laws were to be prepared at the dein the suggestion of any new views. Would it not ap- partment, and merely sent to the Senate for passage. pear strange if one of the Secretaries should assume the had been said that the plan was a convenient one. He right to declare war? Had not the President a right to knew it was convenient, and it might be still more concontrol their opinions? Could he not remove them when venient to have the laws prepared by one man. But he he found that they were no longer disposed to act under thought it would be much better to submit to the inconhis control? venience of the established practice, than by concentrating all business in one, to concentrate all influence there also, and thus to prepare the way for the introduc


As to articles which are necessary in time of war, the President had declared that they ought to be exempted, VOL. IX.--2



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[DEC. 24, 1832.

Thus you tion of still greater evils. The two Houses of Congress and beef, and pork, because the soldier must eat; and on had already less, and the Executive Department more cotton, because he must have shirts to wear. might protect every thing, or nothing. The Secretary is influence than they ought to have. Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN rose, and expressed his re- now required to tell precisely what are his views, and gret that he should be obliged, in this instance, to differ when the Senate had got at his meaning, they could then with his friend from Maine. The reports of the Secre- judge for themselves. Acting under the provisions of tary of the Treasury to the two Houses were made in obe- the act of 1789, they called on the Secretary to give, in dience to a special act of Congress, and not at the requi-a satisfactory manner, those views which he had now sition of the President. It was an official document, call-given unsatisfactorily. It was desired to know if he was One section of the country had ed for by both Houses of Congress, to have all the influ- in favor of no tariff, or of a tariff, and if a tariff, if of ence which its character would enable it to exercise. The a tariff up to the hub. It was wishcall was therefore addressed to the Secretary, not to the claimed this administration as anti-tariff, while another President, because the President could exercise no con- had regarded them as advocates of a tariff. trol over the matter. He would call on the Secretary for ed to have this problem solved, to have this question setthis reason. The Secretary had stated that by a tariff tled. The President might have on this subject different policy, based on proper principles, a reduction of six views from the Secretary. Under this resolution, the millions might be made, without prejudice to the claims Secretary would be bound to give his opinion as to the of existing establishments. Here, then, was a very import- points in which he differed from the President.

ant fact.


It was desirable to know what the Secretary Senate would then determine which they thought right, means by "a tariff policy based on proper principles," and which wrong, or whether either of them was right. One object of the resolution of the Senator from Missis- Amidst all the conflict of opinions, it was the proper sippi was to fix these generalities. An Executive officer course for the Senate to go right on, and to do their duty. Mr. BROWN said it was his wish to gratify the gentlehad told the Senate of a tariff based on proper principles? But he was In another part of his report, the Secretary explains his man from Maine, and to obtain such information as would meaning, to counteract foreign legislation, to protect our expound to him what a judicious tariff was. It was important own industry, to cherish those branches within ourselves attracted by a higher motive than this. He wished the which supply the means of preserving our national inde- Senate to act on this subject at once. that there should be instant action. He agreed generally pendence. But he The resolution proposed to ask the Secretary what was with the other Senator from Maine, as to the inexpedihis view of the extent of these general terms, which did ency of calling for opinions, as a general rule. not depend on their grammatical construction, but on the did not feel disposed to apply the principle in this case. manner in which the mind of the Secretary was brought The gentleman had said that he would not give the deto bear on the subject. If the question as to the most partment too great influence. The opinions of the Treaimportant article to be protected were to be put to his sury Department last session were not so fortunate as to colleague, he would unquestionably reply, iron; and a receive the registration of the Senate. This was proof that majority of the Senate, perhaps, would say woollens. they did not carry with them so much influence as that It had gone through the country, that a reduction could gentleman had supposed. The officer only acted under be made of six millions. It was necessary to know how the direction of the Senate in communicating his views. this could be effected. And to obtain this knowledge, He hoped that all false notions of etiquette would be disthey must send to the department whence the suggestion carded. He wished that the country should meet the crihad been communicated. Their constituents must know sis, and the sooner the better. Believing the Secretary what was meant. It was a plain, practical, common sense to be most conversant with the subject, from his habits inquiry, what was intended by means of national defence? and his opportunities, he would prefer at once to apply Did the phrase refer to arms and munitions, to powder, to him for a bill. The Senate could then accept or reat their pleasure. He had the same object in view It was proper that they ject cannon balls, and the like? Thus view with the gentleman, but thinking the resolution of the should have a definite and practical answer. ing the subject, he must give his vote in favor of the re- Committee on Finance the most specific, he would now solution, and against the amendment of the Senator from move to insert that as a substitute for the present. He then moved to strike out all of the resolution after Alabama. the word "Resolved," and to insert as follows:

"That the Secretary of the Treasury be directed, with as little delay as may be, to furnish the Senate with a project of a bill for reducing the duties levied upon imports, in conformity with the suggestions made by him in his annual report."

Mr. HOLMES acquiesced in the correctness of the views which had been taken by the gentleman from New Jersey as to the relative duties of the President and the Secretary; and to revive the fading recollections of the provisions of the act of 1789, which created the Treasury Department, he read so much of it as prescribed the Mr. TYLER said that he was pleased to find that genduties of the Secretary. He then adverted to the facility with which the present Secretary suited his opinions to tlemen who were known to be the advocates of the tariff the tone of the Congress to whom they were addressed. were in favor of this call upon the Secretary. He thought His views appeared to be in a constant state of mutation, it furnished somewhat a favorable augury, that the Senaand he was very well disposed to fix him on this point, tor from New Jersey, (Mr. DICKERSON,) standing at the In the opi- head of the Committee of Manufactures, should be found and to discover what he really did mean. nions of some, iron and lead would be deemed articles of voting for a call on the Secretary of the Treasury for in But the fable of the formation in relation to a subject on which that honorab the highest importance for defence. gentleman from Mississippi did not strictly apply here, Senator had bestowed so much labor and attention. He where there were no fortified towns, to render iron, could not but hail it as an evidence of a disposition on the wood, and leather the most essential articles. Other com- part of that Senator to make a proper abatement of the What other motive could influence modities here superseded those. The soldier, in these taxes, and to contribute something towards restoring times, must have his blanket to clothe and protect him. public harmony. Consequently flannel was an article of great necessity. gentlemen in making the call, he could not imagine. Mr. The soldier, it was true, must fire his musket, but if he T. said he had voted against taking up the resolution of were to perish of cold for want of a blanket, he could no the Senator from Mississippi to-day, for reasons which So also, on the same principle, it might must be obvious to all. The vacant seats which presented longer fire it. become necessary to impose a protecting duty on flour, themselves in every direction, seemed to oppose an action

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at this time; but as the Senator form North Carolina, (Mr.nomy. We have enough of them. It is action-action, BROWN) had moved the resolution from the Finance Com- we want. Action must be had, to stand still is ruin to mittee in substitution of that moved by Mr. PoINDEXTER; ourselves, ruin to our country, and destructive to the he proposed to say but a word or two in its favor. He brightest and best hopes of the world. The republic is preferred it to the proposition of the Senator from Missis-in danger. It is upon the verge of a precipice. The resippi; because that proposition might give rise to a dis- public must be saved, liberty must be preserved. The organization on the protective system, when he (Mr. T.) Union must be saved. We all have an equal interest in wanted a substantive tangible response. The country the perpetuity of liberty, in the preservation of the rehad had long dissertations on political economy, volumes public. The humble tenant of the humblest log cabin in the form of reports had been written on the subject. feels the inspirations of liberty and rises into dignity with He was sick of them, and he believed the country nau- a consciousness of its possession, as well as he who is seated at them. We want, said Mr. T., no more homilies, clothed in purple and fares sumptuously every day. He but a practical measure on which every man in the coun-feels that this is his country, the freest country under the try may lay his hand as something tangible and certain. sun, and that every part of it is his country. This bright lle wanted to introduce no British custom, but he wanted and glorious image in his mind must not be marred or a bill with the stamp of the treasury, and why not have broken into fragments; it must be saved; its integrity it? Should we now stand on mere forms, when the must be preserved. It is the great solace and pride of country is menaced with civil war, and a threat is made his life, as it is the richest, perhaps the only heritage of to collect the taxes at the point of the bayonet? When his children. Sir, it is time to act, to act ourselves. The he was called on for military force, he should be disposed initiatory process can soon be consummated through the to inquire whether every other means had been exhaust-ordinary organs of this body. The committee will do ed, before resort was had to the sword. Let us, then, its duty and do it quickly. The great work will remain call upon the Treasury for its project, and let us not for ourselves. Let us come to it in a spirit of kindness alarm ourselves at the idea that we are to become ser- and conciliation, with a determination to save the repubviles and minions to the Executive, because we call upon lic. It is a great work; we must bring our minds and our it for aid in the present important crisis. He, however, hearts up to the great occasion. It is for ourselves, for begged gentlemen to believe that he was not trembling our children, for posterity. Do our duty and the counwith fear and apprehension of danger. He should but try will be saved; the arm of the oppressed, the world poorly represent his State, which in the present crisis over, will be nerved; and every heart that throbs for was as unterrified as at any precedent period of her liberty will derive solace and consolation from the noble history, if he could give council to fear. He honestly example. But is it true that we are not equal to the loved the Union, however, and he deemed it right that occasion? Is it true that the severe party discipline of every conceivable effort should be made to save it. Ile the last long session has confirmed in us habits of inaptibelieved it better to vote for the resolution from the Com-tude for any other than petty and insignificant party mittee of Finance, because it was plain and direct in its struggles' That we are incapable of lifting all our object, and he accordingly should do so. thoughts, and bringing all our affections to the rescue of

Mr. MANGUM said, that he preferred the amendment our country? Must there be a new shufle, cut, and deal? proposed by his honorable friend and colleague, [Mr. Must our old habits, old passions, and our old sentiments, BROWN,] to the original resolution: that he should vote be thrown into the great alembic of the ballot box, and to insert it, but upon the final rote of adoption he should our patriotism be purified, exalted, and quickened, by go against the whole measure in every form. He had being passed through the crucible of a new election? occasion, a few days ago, to intimate his opinion upon the Sir, said Mr. M., the country, the whole country, will resolution proposed to be substituted, when it was first be saved-not at the edge of the sword, or the point of reported by the Committee on Finance, and then re- the bayonet; that idea is revolting to our people and alien gretted his inability to take as favorable a view of its to the genius of our institutions. It cannot be saved by principles and policy, as did many of those gentlemen force. The present generation will brand with infamy, with whom he usually acted, and for whose judgment, and all posterity will execrate him who first sheds a broupon most occasions, he entertained a profound respect. ther's blood in civil strife. A Government based upon the Time and reflection had served but to mature his first stable foundations of opinion, and the affections of the peoand hasty impressions into settled conviction; and he had ple, can be saved only by the public opinion and the affecbeen gratified to perceive, that reflection had led many tions of the people; and the hot burning curses of an outof his friends to distrust their first impressions, and to raged and indignant people will pursue and consume him vote to lay the resolution on the table. There, he sup- who, in civil strife, shall shed the blood of any of our peoposed, it would have slept, had it not been deemed less ple, whether upon Sagadahoc or the Balize, upon any other objectionable than the resolution of the Senator from plea than that of inevitable necessity. But the country Mississippi, [Mr. POINDEXTER,] and was revived simply will be saved. It may not be by the politicians: in them as a substitute. I have but little confidence. It will be saved by the peoSir, said Mr. M., why shall we longer palter with this ple.. I repeat, emphatically, the people, who, in every subject? Is this a time for whimsical, capricious, and portion of this great and once happy confederacy are sig. Ingenious evolutions in parliamentary tactics? Is this a nally distinguished over all other people for moderation, time for the ability and patriotism of the United States' justice, a love of liberty, and love of country. They will Senate to be exhausted in embarrassing moves, or to be awaken to the oppressions which, by party and unprinciattenuated in parliamentary manœuvres? Is the game to pled combinations, have been practised upon their brebe resumed which was played through the last eight thren of the South. They will rise in their strength in months' session, upon the great political chess-board? the most distant parts of the confederacy to advocate and Were its results so profitable to the country, or so honor-defend their brother's cause. They will hurl the oppresable to the national councils? Sir, it is time to have done sor from his bad eminence, and scare the vulture from his with this. Is not the grave, the indignant rebuke of the prey. Liberty is our common inheritance, and they will American people still sounding in our ears? Shall we sit guaranty it to every portion of our great political brohere to be amused by witty gentlemen, to taunt a Secre- therhood. The people's interest every where is best and tary, or to embarrass each other? Sir, the period for most permanently secured by equal laws, and a just adlengthened debate has passed. The Senator from Vir- ministration of the Government. They know it, and so ginia has well said, we want no homilies on political eco- ultimately they will have it. In the glorious East, on the


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[DEC. 24, 1832.

extreme verge of the republic, we have friends and allies, the resolution now offered as an amendment, some days firm friends and allies, who are more terrible to the rapa- ago, when brought forward under the auspices of the Ficious monopolist than an army with banners. Our peo-nance Committee. But how is it, said Mr. M., that the ple are too just, too generous, and too magnanimous, to opposition benches all rally to the support of the resolusuffer oppression to be long practised upon any portion of tion? How is it that they evince so much anxiety to learn their brethren, when their attention shall be awakened to the details of the Secretary's plan? Wherefore do they its existence. call so loudly and earnestly for the light that the Secreta Sir, said Mr. M., I am opposed, upon principle, to a ry may shed upon the subject? Do they mean to profit by call upon the Executive, or any head of a department, for it? Have they any respect for the Secretary's opinions? a bill embracing such momentous interests. Its tendency Do they mean to be guided by the lamp he may carry into would be to an amalgamation of the different departments the mazes of political science? Have they not denounced, of the Government, which should always be kept sepa-in all the moods and tenses, his annual report? Have they rate and as distinct as practicable. Congress is emphati- the slightest inclination to lend a willing ear to his councally the legislative branch of the Government. Upon us sels, and a cordial support to his plan? Wherefore, then, the constitution devolves the responsibility, and upon us do they manifest so much anxiety? Do they suppose we should fall the labor. If the Secretary of the Treasury are children? Do we not know that b-l-a spells bla? All can aid our committees, his services, I am sure, will be at understand the object. The Secretary's plan is to be emtheir command when requested: they have been hereto- bodied; it is then to be averred that it is in total disregard fore, they will be again, if desired. That officer, said of the prosperity of various branches of industry; an apMr. M., is prepared, with a candor and decision as honor- peal is to be made from his remorseless sacrifice of their able to himself as he trusted they would be useful to the interests to the Legislature. The tocsin is to be sounded; country, to come up to the great occasion, and to meet old prejudices awakened; old passions to be aroused; a any responsibility. But not upon him was he willing to gathering of all the clans, whether from North, South, call in the form proposed for a bill. That course, though East, or West--of personal enemies, of political enemies, harmless now, may be drawn into precedent in bad times, and all sorts of enemies, with all sorts of passions, to assail and tend to throw upon a popular idol responsibility that the man, and demolish his system. Sir, it would be the ought always to rest upon the representatives of the States first target in the world; it would be assailed by malignity and the people. Sir, said Mr. M., I have always admired with all sorts of missiles. I saw this game last year. Parthe noble sentiment thrown out in his place here, by that don me, gentlemen, I shall not play at it. "beau idéal," of an able and dignified Senator who lately Yet, said Mr. M., it is very strange that our bitterest represented with so much honor to himself and usefulness enemies should be so anxious to take counsel from this to his country, the ancient and "unterrified" common- administration. The events of the last few months have wealth of Virginia, [Mr. TAZEWELL,] to wit, that the in- produced strange changes in this world of ours. Is not a troducing into this chamber the opinions of the Executive Presidential election, sir, especially if the majority be to influence our deliberations, or as a "makeweight" large, a sort of panacea for chronic political distempers? upon any question under consideration, ought to be re- When the United States' Bank was under consideration garded as a breach of order. The sentiment was uttered last session, the opposite benches averred that it was the in bad times, but it is just at all times. Much stronger right arm, and only efficient arm of the Treasury Departwould an objection lie to conferring upon the Executivement. And, although in the whole of our former history, the initiatory process of our peculiar legislative duties. when that question came up, it was under the auspicea Mr. M. said he objected to the resolution because it con- or with the advice of the Treasury Department, yet on tained a call, not for facts, but for opinions. Sir, said he, that occasion they repudiated all such advice. When my I object to a call for the opinion of this or any other admi-honorable friend (Mr. BENTON) moved the reference of nistration; and in reference to this, judging from a late the bank bill to the Secretary of the Treasury for his reproclamation which had produced so much sensation, and port in regard to its adaptation to the purposes of that which had found almost universal acceptation among the Department, what was the vote of the opposite benches bitterest revilers of the President, he was constrained to They must well remember, and if they feel any pleasure say he liked their practice much better than their specu- in the reminiscence when placed in juxtaposition with lations; their works better than their faith. But let that pass. their present course, they ought to enjoy it. I trust I The Senator from Mississippi, said Mr. M., complains shall be among the last who would seek to deprive them that those who set themselves up to be the exclusive of an enjoyment so exceedingly peculiar. They will par friends of the administration, and who, in consideration don me, I trust, for remembering with pleasure that I then thereof, enjoy exclusive privileges in reference to per- declined, as I now repudiate, any foreign aid in our prosonal intercourse, oppose his resolution. For myself, said per duties. Sir, said Mr. M., it is time to have done with Mr. M., I set up for no exclusive loyalty, nor am I con- this game upon the great political chessboard. One would scious of enjoying, in that respect, any exclusive privi- think gentlemen would not pursue so bad a run of luck. I leges. It is as much as I can do at this perilous crisis-a trust they will not. But, whatever may come of these crisis of universal alarm, and one signally marked with the embarrassing moves, I have one firm reliance-the people most flagrant dereliction of principle, to walk forward will set these thing to rights. It is upon their moderation, and steadily upon my own principles-principles which I their justice and their patriotism, that all my hopes repose. believe to be conservative of liberty, of the Union, and of Mr. TYLER said, that the Senator from North Carolina harmony and brotherly love throughout our extended and [Mr. MANGUM] had represented certain members of the once happy borders. At this perilous crisis 1 know no House as being influenced, in their advocacy of the reso. man, and will support no man, further than I may believe lution now under consideration, by a desire to hold up a he may be instrumental in saving the republic, and pre- target to be shot at from Maine to Georgia, and that the serving the liberties of the people. I go for my country, bill which was called for was designed as that target. my whole country, and, first of all, for the liberties of the Surely, said Mr. T., the Senator could not have designed people. In pursuing this course faithfully, I feel the gra- to embrace me in that remark. [Mr. MANGUM said certifying assurance that I represent truly, as it is my object tainly not, he had no such intention.] Mr. T. said that he to do, a State as devoted to union and the great princi- did not believe that the gentleman, with whom he had ples of constitutional liberty as any other under the sun. always maintained the most friendly relation, had so deMr. M. said he opposed the Senator's resolutions upon signed; but the generality of the expressions which had principle and policy, as he had, in like manner, opposed been used, and which would not be as well understood

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