HESE letters of Abraham Lincoln authorship, but also because they evidence the foresight, sagacity, honesty, and subordination of self to the cause of party or of country, characteristics which were dominant throughout his career and were eminently conspicuous during his Presidency.

Lyman Trumbull, to whom these letters were written, was, during the period covered by them, United States Senator from Illinois, his colleague in the Senate being Stephen A. Douglas. Trumbull was a native of Connecticut, born October 12, 1813. He had first gone to Georgia, where he taught school and studied law, subsequently removing to Illinois. While still a young man he became identified with public affairs in that State. He was successively a member of the legislature, Secretary of State, Judge of the Supreme Court, and in 1854 was elected representative in Congress.

Though a Democrat in politics, like many others of his party throughout the North he was strongly opposed to the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, which was involved in the bill for the Territorial organization of Kansas and Nebraska, proposed and advocated by Senator Douglas, through whose efforts and influence it was enacted. So great was the defection in the Democratic party in the North because of the passage of the bill that in 1854, the year of its enactment, the opposition, comprising the "Free Soilers," the Whigs in greater part, and the "AntiNebraska" Democrats, triumphed over the

LXXVII-65

regular Democracy in the fall elections.

ganization of the Democratic party it lost control of the legislature, and opportunity was given for the defeat of General James Shields, who sought reëlection to the United States Senate at the expiration of his term in 1855.

The "Anti-Nebraska" majority in the joint session of the legislature was very small, and none of the constituent parties alone held control, but the Whigs were greatly preponderant, and they hoped and sought the election of their candidate, Abraham Lincoln, Lyman Trumbull was the candidate favored by the AntiNebraska Democrats, who numbered only five. On the first ballot Lincoln received 45 votes, Shields 41, Trumbull 5, and there were 8 scattering votes; in succeeding ballots Lincoln's vote fell to Trumbull's rose to 35, and Shields having been withdrawn, Governor Matteson, who was substituted, received 47. The original supporters of Trumbull persistently declined to vote for Lincoln or for any Whig; the fifteen Whigs "would never desert Lincoln except by his direction." Perceiving the probability that protraction of the struggle would result in the election of Matteson, Lincoln decided upon. action which is best described in his own. language, quoted from his letter written February 9, 1855, to the Hon. E. B. Washburne, a member of Congress from Illinois. "So I determined to strike at once, and accordingly advised my remaining. friends to go for him [Trumbull], which they did, and elected him on the tenth bal

617

lot. Such is the way the thing was done. I think you would have done the same under the circumstances, though Judge Davis [subsequently Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States, and still later Senator from Illinois], who came down this morning, declares he never would have consented to the forty-seven men being controlled by the five. I regret my defeat moderately, but I am not nervous about it . . . and his [Matteson's] defeat now gives me more pleasure than my own gives me pain. On the whole, it is perhaps as well for our general cause that Trumbull is elected. The Nebraska men confess that they hate it worse than anything that could have happened. It is a great consolation to see them worse whipped than I am.”

After events fully justified Lincoln's surmise, and even more. It was better that Trumbull was elected, for if Lincoln had been, it is not probable that he would have been chosen for the Presidency in 1860. His friends, however, were sorely disappointed by his defeat, and long cherished resentment and distrust of Trumbull, and of Judd, Cook, Palmer, Baker, and Allen, the five men whose adherence to Trumbull compelled his election. Lincoln was not animated by such feelings, and these men became his stanch friends and supporters, and were active in the formation of the Republican party, in which the several Anti-Nebraska factions were united. Norman B. Judd as Chairman of the Republican State Committee of Illinois was most effective in his advocacy of Lincoln's nomination for the Presidency. John M. Palmer achieved high distinction during the war of 186165, in which he attained the rank of major-general and the command of the 14th Army Corps. Later he was elected. Governor of his State and United States Senator; and by his acceptance of the nomination as a candidate for the Presidency in 1896, he showed the same devoțion to principle that led him to quit his party in 1854, when its action was repugnant to his sense of right.

On the 16th of June, 1858, the Republican State Convention unanimously named Lincoln as "the first and only choice of the Republicans of Illinois for the United States Senate as the successor of Stephen A. Douglas," who was seeking reëlection;

and in the fall of that year occurred the memorable debates between the opposing candidates. Though Lincoln had the majority of the popular vote in the ensuing election, Douglas controlled the legislature and was reëlected, a result due mainly to the system of apportionment of the legislative districts against which Lincoln frequently protested, and the rectification of which he considered of the utmost importance.

This second defeat of Lincoln's aspiration for the senatorship led his friends to doubt the loyalty of Trumbull and his supporters, who had been Democrats, and to look forward to the expiration of his senatorial term with intent to elect Lincoln in his stead. With this doubt and this purpose Lincoln had no sympathy, and he gave Trumbull assurance of his belief that the senator and his friends had heartily supported Lincoln in the recent contest, and further that he desired Trumbull's reëlection, warning him, however, of the danger of affording Lincoln's friends any additional ground for suspicion of Trumbull's devotion to their leader.

The complications and controversies that resulted from the legislation for Kansas and the conduct of affairs there, led to antagonism between Senator Douglas and President Buchanan; Northern sympathy was largely with Douglas, and many Republicans outside of Illinois were disposed to favor his reëlection to the Senate as an effectual rebuke to the administration. Among these was Horace Greeley, editor of the "New York Tribune," whose approval of Douglas aroused Lincoln's indignation. The plausible doctrine of "Popular Sovereignty" advocated by Douglas won the favor of many who had hitherto opposed him; but Lincoln saw the fallacy of the scheme and during the memorable debates denounced it vigorously, and in the Republican platform of 1860 the doctrine was declared "a deception and a fraud." In theory "Popular Sovereignty" claimed for the people of the Territories the same rights regarding slavery that were possessed by the States, while virtually, under the principles enunciated in the Dred Scott decision, the people could not exclude slavery.

Beyond a few notes the following letters (including two from Trumbull to Lincoln) require no further explanation.

"Springfield, June 7, 1856 "HON. LYMAN TRUMBULL "My dear Sir: The news of Buchanan's nomination came yesterday; and a good many Whigs, of conservative feelings, and slight pro-slavery proclivities, withal, are inclining to go for him, and will do it, unless the Anti-Nebraska nomination shall be such as to divert themThe man to effect that object is Judge McLean; and his nomination would save every Whig, except such as have already gone over hook and line, as Singleton, Morrison, Constable, & others-J. T. Stuart, Anthony Thornton, James M. Davis (the old settler) and others like them, will heartily go for McLean,' but will every one go for Buchanan, as against Chase, Banks, Seward, Blair or Frémont -I think they would stand Blair or Frémont for Vice-President-but not

more

"Now there is a grave question to be considered. Nine tenths of the AntiNebraska votes have to come from old Whigs-In setting stakes, is it, safe to totally disregard them? Can we possibly win, if we do so? So far they have been disregarded-I need not point out the in

stances

"I think I may trust you to believe I do not say this on my own personal account -I am in, and shall go for any one nominated unless he be 'platformed' expressly, or impliedly, on some ground which I may think wrong-Since the nomination of Bissell 2 we are in good trim in Illinois, save at the point I have indicated-If we can save pretty nearly all the Whigs, we shall elect him, I think, by a very large majority

"I address this to you, because your influence in the Anti-Nebraska nomination will be greater than that of any other Illinoian [sic]

"Let this be confidential,
"Yours very truly

"A. Lincoln."

"Springfield, Aug: 11. 1856

"HON: L. TRUMBULL:

"My dear Sir: I have just returned from speaking at Paris and Grandview in Edgar County-& Charleston and Shelby

1 Judge John McLean, Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States. With Justice Curtis he dissented from the majority of the court in the Dred Scott decision.

ville, in Coles and Shelby counties-Our whole trouble along there has been & is Fillmoreism-It loosened considerably during the week, not under my preaching, but under the election returns from Mo. Ky. Ark. & N. C. I think we shall ultimately get all the Fillmore men, who are really anti-slavery extension-the rest will probably go to Buchanan where they rightfully belong; if they do not, so much the better for us-The great difficulty with anti-slavery extension Fillmore men, is that they suppose Fillmore as good as Frémont on that question; and it is a delicate point to argue them out of it, they are so ready to think you are abusing Mr. Fillmore

"Mr. Conkling showed me a letter of yours, from which I infer you will not be in Ills. till 11th Sept

"But for that I was going to write you to make appointments at Paris, Charleston, Shelbyville, Hillsboro, &c-immediately after the adjournment-They were tolerably well satisfied with my work along there; but they believe with me, that you can touch some points that I can not; and they are very anxious to have you do it

"Yours as ever

"A. Lincoln."

"Chicago, Nov. 30. 1857. "HON: LYMAN TRUMBULL.

"Dear Sir: Herewith you find duplicates of a notice which I wish to be served upon the Miss. French, or now Mrs. Gray, who married the late Franklin C. Gray-You understand what person I mean-Please hand her one copy, and note on the other that you have done so, the date of service, and your signature & return it to me at Springfield

"What think you of the probable 'rumpus' among the Democracy over the Kansas Constitution? I think the Republicans should stand clear of it-In their view both the President and Douglas are wrong; and they should not espouse the cause of either, because they may consider the other a little the farther wrong of the two-From what I am told here, Douglas tried, before leaving, to draw off some Republicans on this dodge,

2 William H. Bissell, Colonel 2d Illinois Regiment in the War with Mexico, member of Congress, Governor 1857-60.

Herewith I return the notices which I will thank you to serve and return as before requested

"This notice is not required by law; and I am giving it merely because I think fairness requires it—

"Nearly all the Democrats here stick to Douglas; but they are hobbling along with the idea that there is no split between him and Buchanan-Accordingly they indulge the most extravagant eulogies on B., & his message; and insist that he has not indorsed the Lecompton Constitution

"I wish not to tax your time; but when you return the notice, I shall be glad to have your general view of the then present aspect of affairs

"Yours very truly

"A. Lincoln❞

"Bloomington, Dec. 28. 1857"HON. LYMAN TRUMBULL.

66

Dear Sir: What does the 'New York Tribune' mean by its constant eulogising, and admiring, and magnifying Douglas? Does it, in this, speak the sentiments of the Republicans at Washington? Have they concluded that the Republican cause, generally, can be best promoted by sacrificing us here in Illinois? If so we would like to know it soon; it will save us a great deal of labor to surrender at once

"As yet I have heard of no Republican here going over to Douglas; but if the 'Tribune' continues to din his praises into the ears of its five or ten thousand Republican readers in Illinois, it is more than can be hoped that all will stand firm

"I am not complaining-I only wish a fair understanding- Please write me at Springfield

"Your Obt Servt.

"A. Lincoln

"Springfield, June 23, 1858 “HON. LYMAN TRUMBULL

"My dear Sir: Your letter of the 16th reached me only yesterday- We had already seen, by telegraph, a report of Douglas' general onslaught upon every body but himself I have this morning. seen the 'Washington Union,' in which I think the Judge is rather worsted in regard to that onslaught

"In relation to the charge of an alliance between the Republicans and Buchanan men in this State, it being rather pleased to see a division in the ranks of the Democracy, and not doing anything to prevent it, be such alliance, then there is such alliance-at least that is true of me -But if it be intended to charge that there is any alliance by which there is to be any concession of principle on either side, or furnishing of the sinews, or partition of offices, or swopping of votes, to any extent; or the doing of anything, great or small, on the one side, for a consideration, express or implied, on the other, no such thing is true so far as I know or believe

"Before this reaches you, you will have seen the proceedings of our Republican State Convention- It was really a grand affair, and was, in all respects, all that our friends could desire

"The resolution in effect nominating me for Senator I suppose was passed more for the object of closing down upon this everlasting croaking about Wentworth 1 than anything else—

"The signs look reasonably well- Our State ticket, I think, will be elected without much difficulty- But, with the advantages they have of us, we shall be very hard run to carry the Legislature— "We shall greet your return home with great pleasure

"Yours very truly

"A. Lincoln."

"Springfield, Jany 29. 1859

"HON: L. TRUMBULL

"Dear Sir: I have just received your late speech, in pamphlet form, sent me by yourself I had seen, and read it, before, in a newspaper; and I really think it is a capital one

"When you can find leisure, write me