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erick P. Gibbon, singing the praise of those other gallant highlanders, the Gurkhas, merry little warriors, of courage, devotion and energy. In 1880, as well as in 1898, there was noble emulation between the mountaineers of Scotland and those of Nepal. As Mulvaney puts it, "Scotchies and Gurkys are twins bekase they are so onlike." Any one who wants to learn more about native forces, is referred to an exhaustive history of the Sikhs by Major Hugh Pearse in 'Macmillan's'.

Having treated the late events in France as they affected Dreyfus personally, the reviews are proceeding to consider them as indications of the state of France. The view of a nameless writer in the 'Contemporary', which would be more convincing if written in a calmer spirit, ascribes the present state of affairs to the union of clericalism with militarism: the most interesting part of this article is the list of Paris vives and à bas for the last hundred years; these, the writer claims, are an epitome of the history of the country and people. Certainly they are

sufficiently varied, but is it only the Paris mob whose shouts are contradictory? Have we not often heard Hosanna! Crucify! The cries of Paris are also the subject of comment in 'Blackwood's', where an anonymous writer declares that the "cries of Paris are but faintly echoed in the larger world of France." It might be as well to qualify any impression gained from these papers by the temperate and well-written statement of Baron Pierre de Coubertin in the Fortnightly'; to his mind the Jewish aspect of the Dreyfus affair was confined to Paris, but when the news reached the provinces that Frenchmen had actually insulted the army, every heart was stirred. The army is dear to the French people, first because of the sacrifices that have been made for it, and secondly because of the great service it has rendered. In this number F. Reginald Statham indulges in a defence and apology on behalf of President Kruger. However well done, this seems superfluous, "Oom Paul" having proved eminently capable of defending himself.

American Society of University Extension.

LECTURE ANNOUNCEMENTS, WINTER, 1898.

At the time THE CITIZEN goes to press, the following courses are definitely arranged. CENTRES IN PHILADELPHIA.

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Jan. 10, 17, 24, 31, Feb. 7, 14.

Feb. 21, 28, Mar. 7, 14, 21, 28.
Jan. 11, 18, 25, Feb. 1, 8, 15.
Mar. 1, 8, 15, 22, 29, Apr. 5.
Jan. 7, 14, 21, 28, Feb. 4, II.
Feb. 6, Mar. 6, 13, 20.

Feb. 4, 11, 18, 25, Mar. 4, 11.
Feb. 18, 25, Mar. 4, 11, 18, 25.
Feb. 21, 28, Mar. 7, 14, 21, 28.
Jan. 27, Feb. 3, 10, 17.

Jan. 3, 17, 31, Feb. 14, 28, Mar. 14.

OUT OF PHILADELPHIA.

The Crusades

Victorian Poets

The French Revolution

The Crusades

Victorian Poets

English Novelists

The Crusades

The French Revolution
The Crusades

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Great Composers: Romantic Period.
The French Revolution.
Current Topics .

The Crusades

Great Composers: Classical Period
Great Composers: Romantic Period.
The Greater English Novelists
Between the Two Wars.
Between the Two Wars
Victorian Poets

Franklin, Hamilton, Jackson, Lincoln
Franklin, Hamilton, Jackson, Lincoln
The Great Republic
Nationality and Democracy

Thomas W. Surette. . Great Composers: Classical Period

Thomas W. Surette

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Thomas W. Surette Hilaire Belloc .

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James E. Keeler

Albert H. Smyth Thomas W. Surette. Thomas W. Surette. William H. Goodyear

Hilaire Belloc

Great Composers: Classical Period
Great Composers: Classical Period

The Crusades
Astronomy
Shakespeare.

Great Composers: Classical Period
Great Composers: Romantic Period.
Debt of the XIX Century to Egypt.

Democracy

Feb. 17, 24, Mar. 3, 10, 17, 24.
Feb. 1, 8, 15, 22, Mar. 1, 8.
Feb. 22, Mar. 1, 8, 15, 22, 29.
Jan. 8, 15, 22, 29, Feb. 5, 12.
Jan. 10, 17, 24, 31, Feb. 7, 14.
Feb. 21, Mar. 7, 21, Apr. 14, 18, 25.
Feb 19, 26, Mar. 5, 12, 19, 26.
Feb. 18, 25, Mar. 4, 11, 18, 25.
Jan. 6, 13, 20, 27, Feb. 3, 10.
Mar. 10, 17, 24, 31, Apr. 7, 14.
Jan. 5, 12, 19, 26, Feb. 2, 9.
Mar. 4, 11, 18, 25, Apr. 1, 8.
Jan. 10, 17, 24, 31, Feb. 7, 14.
Jan. 21, Feb. 11, 18, Mar. 4, 18, 25.
Jan. 12, 19, 26, Feb. 2, 9, 16.
Jan. 10, 17, 24, 31, Feb. 7, 14.
Jan. 8, 15, 22, 29, Feb. 5, 12.
Mar. 3, 10, 17, 24, 31.
Feb. 24, Mar. 3, 10, 17, 24, 31.
Jan, 10, 24, 31, Feb. 7.
Feb. 24, Mar. 10, 17, 24.
Ap. 1, 8, 15, 22, 29.
Ap. 2, 9, 16, 23, 30.
Ap. 1, 8, 15, 22, 29.
Ap. 2, 9, 16, 23, 30.

Feb. 10, 17, 24, Mar. 5, 12, 19.
Feb. 21, 28, Mar. 7, 14, 21, 28.
Jan. 10, 17, 24, 31, Feb. 7, 14.
Jan. 13, 27, Feb. 10.
Jan. 18, Feb. 1, 15, Mar. 1, 15, 29.
Feb. 14, 21, 28, Mar. 7, 14, 21.
Jan. 14, 21, 28, Feb. 4, 11, 18.

Feb. 22, Mar. 1, 8, 15, 22, 29.

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CONTENTS OF VOLUME I. :-Social Celebrities in France-The Théâtre Français-The French Archives-Social Celebrities in BelgiumSocial Celebrities in Hungary and Spain-Ecclesiastical Celebrities-Ecclesiastical Celebrities in England and France-Some Celebrated Preachers, VOLUME II. :-Dr. Kitchiner-Charles Waterton-The Wanderer-Some Social Adventures-The Making of Brighton-The Making of Tunbridge Wells-Index.

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Life and Education.

"ON the whole", says Mr. John Fiske, "after making all due qualifications, the Spanish system of government in America was so thoroughly bad that even in the hands of saints it could not have succeeded. It was based upon two bad things, commercial monopoly and political despotism." In the case of Cuba, that island has suffered from the worst forms of both these evils. Until 1813 the ports of Cuba were closed to all but Spanish ships, and since that time the imposts and taxes have drained the island's wealth, while privileges and monopolies have enriched the Spanish party in Cuba at the expense of the Insulars. It is a proverbial saying among Cubans that their governors, great and small, have come to Cuba poor and have returned home rich. "Cuba for the Cubans' is the popular cry", says Mrs. Latimer. "Since the early days of the sixteenth century, 'Cuba for the Spaniards' has been the principle on which the island has been governed. Despotism, while less obnoxious in Cuba than in countries accustomed to free institutions, has, nevertheless, been odious to the Insulars. The Spaniards in Cuba retarded the abolition of slavery till 1886 in the interest of their plantations. They have kept control of the election of deputies and councilors. The chief of their class, the captain general, is a military dictator, wielding ultimate authority over taxation, law, and the press. Therefore the Insulars bear to the Spaniards a bitter and implacable hatred-hatred born of galling social inferiority, of ages of oppression and extortion, of their experience of Spanish perfidy, especially in the loss of liberty achieved by the revolt of the Ten Years' War and guaranteed by the terms of the convention of Zanjon, which Spain would not fulfil. The failure of the Spanish Cortes to implement the promises of its captain general, Martinez Campos, in that treaty is in itself justification for the new appeal to arms that the Cubans have since 1895 been making under Maceo, Garcia, and Gomez. Bad as the Spaniard in Cuba has been, we have, however, only comparative respect for the rebels. We should do well not to indulge in unrestrained admiration of the Cuban insurgents. They are men who wage war by stealth, who fight by dynamite and the torch, and who recruit their forces largely from negroes recently released from slavery. Mr. Grover Flint's testimony, we may say, is that half of the enlisted men are negroes. Barbarous, however, as their warfare is, it is

humane compared with that of the Spaniard. To slay every captive in this political struggle, to slaughter a peaceful peasantry under guise of "concentration", to emulate the atrocities of Hyder Ali and make a desert and call it peace -that policy has called forth the execrations of mankind and attached lasting infamy to the name of Weyler. In the state of war and unrest to which Cuba has been subjected there has been no guarantee of liberty or safety to life and property. Nor does the Spanish rule of the past hold out any hope of such security being afforded by Spain in the future. Millions of dollars have been lost directly by American owners in the burning of sugar and tobacco plantations and the destruction of mines and machinery. American trade with Cuba, involving a hundred million dollars annually, has been ruined, and indirect losses of vast amount have ensued to American interests. Millions have been spent by our government to prevent our citizens from rendering the insurgent Cubans the aid that humanity has inspired them to make. To crown all, the "Maine" and her crew have been destroyed, and if we accept the report of our investigating board that the ship was blown up from without, we need and ask no further proof of the jeopardy of American rights in Cuba. Cuba is at our door-step; her trade is our trade, her insecurity our menace. Could any people endure the disturbance of their domestic peace forever?

THE right of intervention, beyond a very rudimentary stage, is the moot question in international jurisprudence. A committee of the Senate recently quoted eminent authorities whose views were so divergent as to condemn and to sanction our action in the above premises. Guizot, following the bent of Latin civilization, declares that "no state has the right to intervene in the situation or internal government of another state, except only when the interest of its own safety renders such intervention indispensable." Arntz, on the other hand, maintains that the right of intervention exists:

--

1. "When the institutions of one state violate or threaten to violate the rights of another state, or when such violation is the necessary consequence of its institutions and the impossibility of an orderly coexistence of states results therefrom." 2. "When a government, acting entirely within the limits of its prerogatives of sovereignty, violates the rights of humanity, whether by measures contrary to the interests of other states or by excess of injustice and cruelty which deeply wounds public morals and

[May,

civilization. The right of intervention is a legiti mate one, because, however important may be the rights of sovereignty and independence, there is one thing of still greater importance, and that is the law of humanity and human society, which ought not to be outraged."

"On the whole," says Professor Robertson. "the right of intervention has been discredited in international law." But he remarks likewise: Interference to prevent effusion of blood, or put an end to a state of anarchy from which the interests of other nations necessarily suffer. has also been justified, as when England, France, and Russia interfered between Turkey and her rebellious subjects in 1827." Wheaton says of this intervention in behalf of Greece: "The interference of the Christian powers, to put an end to this bloody contest might have rested upon this ground alone ("the rights of human nature wantonly outraged"), without appealing to the interests of commerce and of the repose of Europe."

English intervention in Egypt furnishes a further precedent for our action in the present emergency, for it has had the warrant of commercial interests and humanity alone. Yet intervention of this kind, says Phillimore, is open to abuses and has rarely been put forward without greater and more legitimate reasons to support it. Additional causes of intervention, such as to preserve the balance of power, to secure rightful succession in the dynasty, to safeguard religion, important as they have been in the history of all civilized nations, do not enter into the present case.

To defend ourselves and our commercial interests, then, is one reason for our intervention in Spanish affairs; but above all to end a barbarous warfare that has already caused the death of thousands of soldiers and hundreds of thousands of peaceful cultivators, and which has showed every sign of indefinite continuation-these are the reasons for intervention commended by the conscience and will of our people. We may and do regret that the deliberate, irresistible, yet peaceful policy of Mr. McKinley has been precipitated by the hasty and headstrong action of Congress in "directing" the President to wage war. haste gave the skillful diplomacy of Spain its opportunity to discredit us before Europe. Nevertheless we feel that the political and dynastic problems in Spain, and the unity of all parties of that nation respecting the retention of Cuba, would, in the end, have made armed intervention necessary as a final resort. We have lost the sympathy of much of Europe through overhasty action. Yet it is gratifying

This undue

that Great Britain stands with us, the one nation prompt to understand and to commend our action-the nation, in the words of Senator Hoar, "which is alike the freest, the most powerful, and the most nearly allied to us by language, history, and blood". Yet vastly misunderstand they the question who think that the Cuban question is settled with the defeat of Spain. The subjection of guerrillas waging predatory war from mountains inaccessible to regular troops, the race hatred of Spaniard and Cuban, the disposition of a million of negroes recently freed from slavery and fresh from tasting blood, the threatened black federation of the West Indies-these are the difficulties that will beset us. Our own affairs-the problems of sound finance, of social reform, of commercial development-must be indefinitely put aside amidst the excitement of war. It is a bad business and the future is dark enough. But the Anglo-Saxon has set his hand to clean up the bit of chaos known as Cuba, and before he stops he will do it.

IN one respect the annual meeting of the American Academy of Political and Social Science held recently in Philadelphia, was a radical departure in methods from similar gatherings. One topic was selected, around which all the papers and discussions at all four sessions were grouped. This was the study and teaching of sociology. While doubtless this plan may have failed to attract a few persons not directly interested in this topic who might have been drawn by some more diversified programme, it certainly intensified the interest of those who came to specialize on the chosen topic, and it gave a continuity and value to extempore discussions which they do not usually possess at ordinary conventions. Prof. F. H. Giddings delivered the annual address at the opening session, taking for his topic the practical value of sociology, which in his view is found in a true and accurate description of social phenomena leading to a knowledge which furnishes the basis for constructive criticism of all social ideals. Prof. Rowe presented an able paper on the recent contributions of sociology to the study of politics, showing that the newer movements in political science were away from the formalism of Bentham, Austin, and Mill and were leading to a consideration of the real forces at work on men in the world as we find it. Prof. Samuel McCune Lindsay discussed the unit of consideration in sociology, arguing for the adoption of a variable psychological unit which he termed the social imperative. Prof. E. J. James argued for the establishment of commercial high schools with the social sciences as the backbone of their courses.

Professor William Knight on Wordsworth.*

When the last word has been said about Plato, it will be possible to say the last word about Wordsworth, and the student of Plato does not breathe a more untroubled air than the student of Wordsworth habitually breathes. What are the distinctive elements that constitute Wordsworth, like Plato, a teacher for all time? To him we owe the nineteenth century Renaissance of poetry in England. In him the creative impulse and the new attitude towards nature and towards man found their highest development. He spoke and wrote because he felt and as he felt. We find in Wordsworth a healthful radiance which is the supreme note of naturalness. He has nothing to offer those who wish excitement. He could not, like Byron, have carried the spectacle of a bleeding heart all over Europe. The message of nature must be received with wise passiveness, and Wordsworth's purpose was to proclaim this to his generation.

He had comparatively little appreciation of the intricate culture of his own age. The complicated civilization of our end of the century would have been distasteful to him; he never understood its best side. But the best antidote to the distractions of human life and the frittering away of its energies, was known to him and was by him nobly uttered.

Wordsworth's literary ambition was to construct a work that might live-his own autobiography in verse. This was to be as a great cathedral, round which his minor poems, properly grouped, would be as little oratories. He felt his mission was not to descend, but to raise men to his own ideal elevation. His sense of the dignity of the calling of the poet is perhaps the highest in all literary history. In spite of the reviewers he went on with grand tenacity of purpose to write poems of unvarying character, confident of the verdict of posterity.

Granted that his secluded life tended to destroy his sense of the true proportion of things, a standard of proportion might have checked the outpouring of his genius. The manysidedness of Goethe would have maimed Wordsworth altogether. Carlyle has taught us the grandeur of dedicating life to work. To consecrate life to thought and communion with nature, and to the understanding of her underlying spirit is surely a loftier conception. and it is Wordsworth's. His simplicity lay in describing the thing as he saw it. The idea of writing poetry about sheep or a daisy would

*The substance of a lecture delivered in the Chapel of the University of Pennsylvania, March 24, 1898.

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