permanent right is built upon capacity; that there is some capacity in every human being; and that steady reverent attention can find it and bring it to the light. And it dogmatically affirms that any sort of culture that refuses to seek entrance into the common life is an unholy thing." SAMUEL MCCUNE LINDSAY. Nominations for Elective Office.* The enlightened preachers of the true political faith who are striving to arouse that unresponsive being, the "average citizen," to a realization that the battle for good government must be fought at the party primaries and not at the polls will welcome the publication of an excellent monograph on 'Nominations for Elective Office in the United States' by Frederick W. Dallinger, A. M., a scholar and a practical politician. The high reputation of the Harvard Historical Studies will not suffer through the publication of this volume. It is the first comprehensive survey of a broad field. It marshals the facts of our complicated system of party nomination in such form that the reader may grasp the general principles; it states clearly the causes and methods of political corruption, and it points out a plain path by which we may escape from the dangers that threaten our free government. Such a piece of work was worth doing; it has been well done. The first part of the monograph consists of an excellent historical sketch of nominating machinery in the United States in which the development of the system of nomination is traced from the self-announced candidacy of the earliest colonial period to the elaborate system of primary elections and party conventions of the present day. We learn that the English system of self-nomination prevailed throughout the Southern colonies until the Revolution, while in New England and in the middle colonies candidates were generally chosen by private conferences or "parlor caucuses" of the leading men of the communities. The struggle for colonial self-government developed our first political parties, and as soon as the Whigs were ranged against the Tories the party caucus appeared. At first it was simply a selfconstituted conference of party leaders. But while it differed in constitution from the caucus with which we are familiar an extract from the diary of John Adams, in 1763, makes it evident that it differed little in procedure. "Boston, February. This day learned that the *Nominations for Elective Office in the United States. By Frederick W. Dallinger. Harvard Historical Studies, Vol. IV. New York: Longmans, Green, & Co. Caucus Club meets at certain times in the gar- Soon after the Revolution the caucus assumed the form which it still retains in New England, and became a meeting of all the party voters of a given district for the discussion and nomination of candidates. In certain newer sections of the country where the New England influence has been strong the party town meeting has been adopted for the choice of local candidates and the election of delegates to the nominating conventions. Elsewhere a simple primary election prevails without the meeting and the attendant discussion which distinguished the original caucus system. Mr. Dallinger describes quite fully the methods in use during the first quarter of the century for the nomination of national and state officers through congressional and state legislative caucuses, and then shows how the present system of representative conventions has been developed through party organization. On the basis of this historical review, Mr. Dallinger proceeds to describe with a wealth of detail the present system of nomination for local, state, and national offices. It is exceedingly difficult to follow the thread of principle through the maze of local peculiarities in nominating systems, but the author succeeds in guiding his reader to a clear conception of general methods. Most of his illustrations are drawn from the procedure of Massachusetts, Pennsylvania and New York, but the practice of other states is cited freely. In turning to the consideration of the glaring defects of our nominating system Mr. Dallinger reminds us that the present evils we recognize and deplore are not of recent origin. The party boss is no novelty in American politics. In 1830 that judicious journalist, Hezekiah Niles, found it necessary to denounce in forcible terms the "regencies and juntos-the squads of contemptible politicians who have managed the nominating meetings." This certainly has a very modern ring. As Mr. Dallinger remarks, "No pleasure can be drawn from knowing that our ancestors were 'turbulent' and sometimes dishonest in their caucuses and primaries, but this fact shows that the difficulty is inherent and not the result of local or temporary conditions." The methods by which the political boss captures the primary and securely enthrones him self upon the ignorance and indifference of the honest voter having been clearly set forth, the author then discusses the remedies for the evils he has emphasized. These remedies are of two kinds the amendment of the party rules and the extension of legal regulation of primary elections. The most urgent reform measure with reference to party rules is obviously a plan of registration which shall permit every man who intends to vote with the party to have a voice in the selection of candidates and at the same time shall protect the party against unscrupulous men of the opposite political faith who might attempt to capture the primaries. The realization of this ideal is difficult, but Mr. Dallinger cites some successful experience on this point. With reference to reform along the line of extended government control, the author lays down this sound principle. "The details of the nominating machinery in any particular region, should be left as far as possible to the party voters themselves; but where experience has plainly demonstrated the futility of other means the strong arm of the law should be called in, in the interest of good government, to help those who are either unable or unwilling to help themselves." But the careful reader of the volume will be struck by the fact that the failure of our nominating system to give us good candidates is not due to defects in the party rulers nor to inadequate legal regulation. The most perfect machinery of nomination may fall into the hands of men who will manage to make it produce government by the bribe-takers for the bribe-givers. To assure oneself of this fact it is only necessary to note that Mr. Dallinger finds the nominating machinery of New York highly commendable while he cites as a model of party regulation the rules of the Republican party in Philadelphia. Evidently reform in party rules and in legal regulation alone will not purify the source of political power. "The only remedy which goes to the root of the whole matter is the reform of the voter." The conclusion of the volume sets forth the lesson we are slowly learning in America. After enumerating several highly desirable reforms the author concludes: “In order, however, to attain any lasting success, there must be, in addition, a thorough arousing of public interest by education and by intelligent organization. Thus only will bad nominations and the tacit consent of the voters to the selection of unworthy candidates be finally and permanently removed." The extensive appendix to the volume includes a good bibliography, the text of the Massachusetts caucus law, some specimen party rules, and forms illustrative of nomination. FREDERIC W. SPEIRS. Book Notes. In 'Berquin' Miss Elizabeth G. Crane has made of a friend of Erasmus and victim of religious bigotry in the sixteenth century the hero of a drama of five acts. Berquin foreshadows the later Huguenot enthusiasm. and personifies, for a moment, the passionate yearnings towards the highest and best, of the brilliant Margaret of Navarre. The scene is laid in Margaret's court and the entrance of Clement Marot gives us one of the best pages of the play. Other characters are the fierce persecutor Beda, a fair but somewhat weakminded lady of the court, Diane de Rambure, who loves Marot, and in return is loved by him after the poet's fashion-which does not exclude an artistic appreciation of other charms. We have also a fleeting glimpse of Francis I. and the usual attendants of royalty, one of whom cherishes for Diane a passion not too highly colored nor exacting. That there is a certain meagreness in the development of the drama must be admitted. We do not feel the thrill of the emotions which move beneath the surface of action. The device of the stealing of the books which are to be the instruments of Berquin's destruction is somewhat heavily managed, and not even in his curse is the venomous Beda quite convincing. But Queen Margaret moves through the drama with dignity and grace, provoking the interest which must always be aroused by any presentment of this gifted and fas cinating personage. We perceive the nobility and love of freedom which brought her into disrepute with a class; she tells us that she is too fond of the world, and reveals that double nature which is indicated in the passage quoted from De Saint Amand. Marot, poet and lover, and Marot, the butt of the jesting page, are hardly consistent sketches, but he too has individuality, while the self-devotion of Berquin, albeit a trifle obstinate, strikes the note of an ideal conception of duty which ennobles the purpose of the tragedy. In the description of Francis on one of the earlier pages we catch what seems like an echo of other lines in another poem-"that humane, great monarch's golden look, One finger in his beard or twisted curl Over his mouth's good mark that made the smileAll his court round him, seeing with his eyes." There are several lyrics scattered through the book, of which the following is a good example: "Tho art the maiden cloud that waits And many good lines occur in the blank verse, such as "the stealthy step of velvet-shod event" and "His spirit molten with enthusiasm (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons.) Who has ever read Miss Wilkins's stories without feeling an intense desire to fly off, Arabian-Nightslike, with some of her pitifully fed people, and to set them down before a glorious good dinner? Not a banquet in courses with candles and orchids and Jeames Fellowplush to hand the silver dishes,-perish the thought! but a plentiful meal of meat and potatoes and pudding, by way of change from the everlasting round of apple-sauce and parsnip stew, which are ever the scanty fare of those Spartan souls. In the prosperous American, who is a generous, one might say a wasteful provider and gets a deal of solid comfort out of his well-filled larder, the contemplation of semistarvation never fails to rouse a curious mingling of shocked surprise and self-reproach, and the thought of the patient women, uncomplainingly keeping body and soul together with as little food as so many birds might peck each day, has a far more harrowing effect upon him than their vaguer moral and mental privations. And now as if she has not already made sufficient havoc of his emotions, here is the gentle author stirring them up again with her tale of 'Jerome: A Poor Man,' the story of a man who likewise knows the tragedy of seldom having enough to eat. As usual, however, the fault is his own. He is not only poor but proud, like the early Puritans or the beautiful heroines of kitchen romances, and when Providence dangles gastronomic opportunities before him from the gingerbread of childhood to the fortune which would enable him to set up a kitchen and a cordon bleu, the same ungracious spirit prompts him to refuse them one and all, blind to the fact that the axiom, "It is more blessed to give"-has another than the receiver's point of view. When fortune begins to smile a little and the reader turns breathlessly from page to page hoping to light upon some festival of Thanksgiving or Christmas and see a table groaning with festal cheer, with Jerome, serenely full, like the epicure snapping his fingers at Fate, lo, that exasperating youth proceeds to fall in love and as a matter of course loses his appetite! Provoking as he is, with the selfishness which he calls pride and the dogged obstinacy which not merely endangers the peace of other minds as well as his own but leads to Quixotic experiments in socialism, Jerome is nevertheless an attractive youth, and the ladies who follow his fortunes will be glad when the meandering plot forces him to lay down his arms and consent to make Lucina happy, in spite of the fact that she possesses a tidy dot. Such disinterestedness is only too rare nowadays and commands respectful admiration. Lucina herself is a ray of sunshine in her sweet oldworld daintiness and modesty, especially as she comes before the public at the same time with Glory Quayle and other emancipated damsels of a newer type. An atmosphere of dried rose-leaves and lavender pervades the chapters in which she appears, and she represents a gentleness and loveliness of girlhood which like those favorite scents of a by-gone time, are rapidly passing away. Miss Wilkins has placed her in a comfortable home and provided her with dresses which have not been let down nor taken in nor made over, but are as fresh and pretty as herself. For little things like these in the chronicle of a New England village we should be grateful. The subordinate characters are carefully done and there is all the local color for which one looks confidently now in the author's work. Her delicate bits of description, full of the charm of a water-color sketch, are amongst the more agreeable recollections of the book, and linger pleasantly in the fancy when some of its other impressions are recalled with a sigh. (New York: Harper & Bros.) It is always interesting to see ourselves with the eyes of another, and if that other be of a different nationality the interest is increased twofold. Considered as an essay upon "the international marriage" M. de Coulevain's novel-American Nobility'-is instructive reading for those who are tempted to commit the crime in question, but as their number is necessarily limited, the general public will appreciate the story principally for the opportunity it gives the author to analyze the American woman. She-for M. de Coulevain is Mlle. A. Favre-succeeds in defining but one variety of the species, seemingly unaware that diversity of climate and environment and a mixture of races cannot fail to produce others, but her dissection is sufficiently amusing, nevertheless. The criteria of the variety M. de Coulevain has run to earth may be judged by the following: "Providence sends our American girls to Europe for them to learn woman's true role." "An European girl would relate what she has felt; an American girl relates what she has seen.' "The American woman knows neither repose nor concentration." "She is virtuous enough not to give entrance to the devil when at home, but she is enchanted to meet with him elsewhere. In Paris she does not neglect to seek the arch-fiend out, first of all, to see how he is made, and especially to be able to say she has seen him; and you may be sure she will never find him black enough." "An American woman who will give a million francs to a friend or to a charitable object will not allow a tradesman to charge her an excess of ten francs." As a novel, 'American Nobility' is not a success. The style is too dull and didactic to be artistic. It has none of the light gracefulness of the Frenchwoman writing in her own tongue. Apparently afraid of not being understood, the author explains everything, nothing is left to the reader's imagination. But probably the blame should be laid upon "this magnificent language which lends itself neither to exaggeration nor sentimentality"-this vigorous English in which it is "impossible to tone things down." The characters of the book do not really live. They are types, not individuals, and one never loses the consciousness that he is listening to Mlle. Favre expounding her own ideas by means of these puppets. Many of her theories are unusual, notably her defence of the needy nobleman both before and after marriage. (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons.) As Mr. Kipling's latest book, 'Captains Courageous,' with its title taken from Mary Ambree, has been published in a popular American magazine, the plot is tolerably well known. It is simple in the extreme. The spoiled cubbish son of a Western millionaire falls off a steamer on the Banks, is picked up by a Gloucester fishing-schooner, is licked into shape by the captain and crew, and, in the end, restored to his despairing parents a decent member of society. The book is another instance of the versatility of a great talent. Mr. Kipling has made the life of the white man in India and of the native comprehensible to us on the other side of the world; he has interpreted for us the British private soldier, the common sailor, the engineer, the wild beast in the Jungle, and seized the very spirit of American life in a way to win the admiration of such a specialist as Mr. Howells. He has told an empire of her colonies' aspirations, as the colonies themselves could not; he has made the significance of at least one colony's political acts plain to itself. Now he turns to a virgin field-life in the fishing-fleets of the foggy, stormy North Atlantic, and he makes this strange phase of the struggle for existence as familiar to us as the houses on our own street. The first criticism that occurs to us is that directed by his tribe at the work of the prehistoric artist, Ung: "Yea, they are like-and it may be-but how does the Picture-man know?" The pictures are indeed alike, in broad outline, in minute detail, in sure touch and right color: buthow does the Picture-man know? When has he had time to serve an apprenticeship on a Gloucester "banker"? That is the wondrous thing. Even such an anomaly as a Gaelic-speaking negro cook who does not jabber, has its justification in well-known peculiarities of the Cape Breton folk. The sea-pieces, such as the description of the "We're Here" at anchor and on her run home to mention two only, are things to marvel at for the power in the bare words to set strange scenes before the inward eye. Almost as remarkable for its knowledge and power is the description of the special train whirling across the continent from California to Gloucester. At the same time, the book shows the author's limitations. It is not a novel; it is merely an exThere is not panded "plain tale" with incidents. even as much complication as in "The Light that Failed.' The psychology of Harvey Cheyne Junior's conversion is open to cavil. He comes to heel too quickly. The interest is centred on the sea, the schooner, the sailors, the cod, the rushing "Constance"-anywhere' but on the hero of the tale. No one can think it impossible for Mr. Kipling to give over his skirmishing short stories and send forth his massive romance which will "clear the front;" but as yet he has not done so. Some of us have a certain tale from the hills filed for reference and are waiting as patiently as we can for the story of Jellaludin McIntosh and Mother Maturin; and the novel of the Great Mutiny. The book is well printed; but the design of the cover is poor. The illustrator has missed a great opportunity to give us suggestions of "the beauty and mystery of the ships, and the magic of the sea.' The banker with her stump fore-mast and shapely hull is about the sauciest craft afloat; but none of these pictures hint at such a character. Most of the illustrations are inadequate, and have a peculiarly hard look, as if the plates had been re-cut badly. The picture facing p. 128 shows the draughtsman's innocence; he does not know what a gin-bottle even looks like. The cut of the "Constance," p. 246, is not a picture, but a diagram, from a railway time-table; nor is that which faces p. 272 much better. There is not a touch of imagination in the illustrations from first to last; and in some cases they interfere with one's pleasure in the letter-press. They are even worse than the pictures for the Jungle-books, except those by the elder Kipling. What an edition that would be with Frank Brangwyn to do the sea-pictures, and Caton Woodville the soldiers, the animals, and the fights. (New York: The Century Com pany.) Miss Raynor's latest book, with its somewhat paradoxical title, Free to Serve,' is a well-told story of the life of the early Dutch settlers in New York State, who made their homes in the country surrounding the towns and villages. Although the narrative is historical, mere facts are given little space, the manners and customs forming the background to the The rough book, giving it a distinct character. and uncultured manners of the times are well shown in the lively description of the "chaise-party," an amusement apparently as fascinating and absorbing then as the whist or euchre party of to-day, and enough is recorded of the services required of a bondservant to enable the reader to appreciate the good fortune of the heroine in escaping all but the moral sense of servitude. Some of the pictures are novel and amusing; the Dutch passion for cleanliness obtrudes itself at an unlucky moment for the heroine, while the account of the great Cornwallis solemnly masquerading as his august and venerable cousin, Queen Anne, the stolid settlers looking on with all the reverence due the Queen herself, is a little bit of men history which is found only by going behind the scenes. To appreciate its value it is only necessary to read Green's History of England. The characters are well drawn and individualized. The two maidens are actuated by the same sense of honor and truth, and yet no two persons could be more dissimilar than the aristocratic Avelina, with whom right is instinetive, and the Puritanical Probity, who weighs and considers and tortures herself by doubts and conjectures, although it is no less certain what course she will take. It is well said to her, "It costs almost as much to be a saint as to be a sinner." The young are perhaps less interesting; the villain, by whose side the devil stalks for many a weary day is, in some respects, strained and unnatural, and it is impossible to feel that his punishment is compatible with his moral standard. He is hardly the sort of man to walk finally in the flowery paths of ease, even if they lie straight before him. The close of the story is marred by a fault almost irredeemable-an anticlimax. In these days when dramatic situations are as much considered by the novelist as by the dramatists themselves, it is not well to carry the reader beyond the point where he finds the problems practically solved; to introduce at this stage an entirely irrelevent episode-no matter how good in itself-is worse than useless, it is bad art. Nevertheless the story is good and well worth reading. The cover is attractive, the design being by Maxfield Parrish (Boston: Copeland & Day, 1897.) 'A Handbook of European History' (476-1871), prepared by Arthur Hassall, comes from the Macmillan Company. Mr. Hassall is probably correct in taking for granted a present unusual interest in European history. This interest is becoming more marked on the part of those who desire to form any adequate notion of the history and the institutions of the United States. That most useful epitome of Ploetz, with all its excellences, leaves much to be desired. It attempts too much, it has not an orderly method of presentation, it omits much that a student of a period desires, and presents much for which he does not care. It was with satisfaction that the announcement of the 'Handbook' by Mr. Hassall was received, for there is a place for such a work, and Mr. Hassall seemed peculiarly qualified to prepare it. In arrangement the new 'Handbook' is happy. The double pages are divided into four columns and in these are presented the contemporaneous histories of the four chief European nations, or groups of nations. Germany, England, and France are given each a column in the major part of the work, and the other nations are grouped under the heads of "Eastern and Southern Europe," or "Eastern, Southern, and Northern Europe." Mr. Hassall's strength lies in his accounts of changes in governments, lists of emperors, dynasties of sovereigns and references to wars. The plan of his volume is to state events directly and chronologically. In this last respect Mr. Hassall's book disappoints us. It is without foot-notes; it gives almost no references; in cases of unsettled questions there is no mention of the contention, or reference to authors in which the opposing views are presented. In these respects the book is at a disadvantage when compared with Ploetz. Moreover its usefulness as a reference book is much impaired by lack of an index. The binding is likewise insecure. Under the title 'American Ideals and other Essays, Social and Political' Mr. Theodore Roosevelt has re published his most important contributions to periodical literature during the past twelve years. The range of the essays is extensive. From a minute study of machine politics in New York City, Mr. Roosevelt. rises to a discussion of the broad principles of inter national law involved in the Monroe doctrine, and from a sermonette on the Manly Virtues and Practical Politics he proceeds to a somewhat dogmatic consideration of the laws of social progress in reviews of Kidd's 'Social Evolution' and of Brooks Adams's 'Law of Civilization and Decay.' Everything that Mr. Roosevelt writes is interesting. His evident earnestness and his vigorous English command respect if they do not always carry conviction. He believes that in life as on the football field "success can only come to the player who 'hits the line hard,' and he practices what he preaches. He does not attempt the judicial pose in his attitude on present political question. To him the Chicago platform is simply "a farrago of sinister nonsense" and Mr. Bryan is an "amiable and windy demagogue." His fellowcitizens who "object to what they style 'government by injunction' are, as regards the essential principles of government, in hearty sympathy with their remote skin-clad ancestors who lived in caves, fought one another with stone-headed axes and ate the mammoth and the woolly rhinoceros." But his glittering gems of picturesque exaggeration sparkle in a solid quartz bed of sound sense. The most important and suggestive chapters in the volume are those which deal with legislative methods in New York State, machine politics in New York City, national civil service reform and the administration of the New York police force. These essays are drawn from a rich fund of practical experience, and they have a unique value as an expression of the well considered opinions of the man who dominated the board of the National Civil Service Commissioners for six years and the board of Police Commissioners of New York City for two years. Another notable chapter is the reprint of the recent address of Mr. Roosevelt as Assistant Secretary of the Navy on Washington's Forgotten Maxim-"To be prepared for war is the most effectual means to promote peace." The Assistant Secretary's willingness to fight for peace has inspired much merriment in the newspapers, but the address is an able plea for an increase of our naval forces. But the chief value of this collection of political and social essays does not consist in the array of fact they present, nor in their shrewd philosophy of practical politics. They are valuable chiefly because they preach most practically and effectively the doctrine of good citizenship, of active civic virtue. Mr. Roosevelt has little tolerance for passive goodness. "The doer is better than the critic, the man who strives stands far above the man who stands aloof." His appeal to the educated man to do his full civic duty is especially forcible. He has no sympathy with the dilettante spirit that prompts our business and professional men to theorize about good government while they shrink from the practical work of securing it. Less political criticism and more political work is the watchword that rings through the volume. The ideal of an American citizenship presented by these essays will appeal strongly to the popular heart. With fine scorn the author denounces the citizen "whose fatherland is the till," who "deprecates the assertion of national honor because it has a 'bad effect on business' or because it 'impairs the value of securities." He pours in unstinted measure his scathing contempt upon the sordid money-getters who "strive after an ideal in which they shall happily unite the imagination of a green-grocer with the heart of a Bengalee baboo." The excellent preaching of these essays is enforced by the eminent public service of the author, and the book should have a wide influence for good. (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons.) Charles Scribner's Sons have brought out in an attractive volume Ex-President Harrison's papers on "This Country of Ours.' This is the series that was originally contributed to the 'Ladies' Home Journal,' but it appears here in a revised form with some additions. These papers are popular studies on familiar topics, but topics that are too little understood. The treatment is simple and direct, yet sufficiently replete with historical anecdote and illustration to make the book interesting. Few men have of late participated in public affairs in America who have General Harrison's faculty of popularization, and the theme he deals with lends itself to popular treatment. His scheme aims to give an historical background and then to describe the practical working of the machinery of government. When General Harrison describes the movements on the stage of public affairs we feel that one is speaking who has himself been behind the scenes and who knows whereof he speaks. The seven chapters on 'The President' will afford a fair notion of the plan of the book. We have first a history of the origin of the presidency, then a statement of the qualifications and powers of the office, to this is added a further statement of the relations of this to other departments of the government, and the treatment ends with a consideration at some length of the duties of the president and with an account of his official life. The volume is more than expository; in it there is an ideal of civic duty to the fulfillment of which the reader is urged. It is a book of a class of which there are many, but in its class it is creditable, and merits a wide reading. "The Plant Baby and its Friends,' a new book by Kate Louise Brown, presents a carefully arranged series of science reading lessons for children of about seven years. The author's aim is not merely to train the child's eye to close observation, but also to stimulate intelligent inquiry,-to lead him to view the plant as a living being, with circulating sap if not blood in its veins, with like need of food, air, and sunshine as ourselves, with power to protect itself, to care lovingly for its offspring, to lay up food for the future. The author brings into her work subjects more advanced than is usual in elementary books, but her adaptation of this material to the childish understanding is strikingly successful. There is also a directness about these pages that stamps them plainly as the outgrowth of actual experience in teaching. On the whole, scientific truth is not sacrificed in this elementary work, although in giving place to the popular tale of wheat grown from seeds preserved in the pyramids, the book suffers some loss of character. The original poems do not, we think, add to the value of the book. The illustrations by Mrs. Constance van Diest Collins add materially to its value and attractiveness. (New York: Silver, Burdett, & Co.) "The Johnstons of Salisbury' (Connecticut), by William Preston Johnston, an admirable work of its kind, suggests two queries: first, what is history? second, is this work, is the whole class to which it belongs, worth the expenditure of time and labor? As more books of this sort have been produced in the last five years than in the previous twenty years, and the ratio of increase is not yet fixed, the queries seem pertinent. History is generally the narrative of the rise and fall of the few military, political, ecclesiastical, or social rulers of a given period. Interestingindispensable as general history is, does it always afford information as to the people of the epoch, their habits of life and thought, their occupations, their social conditions, their degree of intelligence and refinement, their progress for example, from the initial conditions of the Jamestown and Mayflower periods? |