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illogical series of penalties of so many months' imprisonment for such and such an offence, as prescribed by statute without regard to the motives or to the moral condition of the accused, nor yet the absence of any sort of remedial treatment of the individual criminal during imprisonment, nor the want of system in our whole present system-none of these is founded on the rock principle of reformation as the aim of all penal legislation and prison discipline.

There is one institution in this country the conduct of which approaches perfection in its practical realization of the correct principle of penology. The singular wisdom which modeled the Elmira Reformatory entitles its founder to a monument at the capital. We shall not here attempt any detailed description of this admirable reformatory, which merits the name. Sufficient to say that every one committed to it is recognized to possess character, a reputation which he can make or lose, but which on entrance is as a white tablet on which he may write his own future. This recognition is implied by placing him in the middle of three grades, from which he may be advanced to the upper or degraded to the lower, according to his conduct.

In his examination at entrance his motives, idiosyncrasies, and antecedents are scrutinized with penetrating sagacity, rendered keen by much experience, and these are carefully recorded in the convict's ledger account as the beginning of his history at the institution. His subsequent career there is one of incessant occupation, partly in intellectual education, partly in industrial training, and partly in physical drill. Nutrition of the body and restoration of health also afford reasons for this mode of treatment. Satan finds no mischief here for idle hands to do. This treatment is individual, and is directed to the building up of character. Mr. Brockway's belief is that 80 per cent of his pupils are reformed. This is called in question by some, and is, of course, a difficult fact to ascertain; but we may charge him with the partiality of a father to his child without impairing the essential success which common sense would lead us to expect of an institution conducted on such principles as we have outlined. We believe it would be perfectly safe to say that 80 per cent are returned to the community the moral peers of the average of that community.

Without assuming that this remarkable institution is perfect and incapable of further advancement, it may be said of it that, in methods and equipment for remedying the defects of the criminally disposed, it is as different from the ordinary county jail as white from black, and that it furnishes an excellent model after which to pattern the penal institution of the future, if the intention of our penal institutions is to reform the criminal. Our present institutions in

delibly steep in crime those who enter them merely tainted with crime. Whatever may be said in favor of the penitentiaries, still, with much to praise in some of them, it cannot be said that they put forth any such methodical effort at reformation as there is at Elmira. As for the county jails, they may now be regarded as an incorrigible evil. For well-nigh a century they have been inspected and their horrors exposed, with little effect. Few of them are doing any good, and many are small infernos. Time and again their dreadful condition has been described, until it may be said that no remedy can be found short of their abolition or complete reorganization. The need is pressing that legislation shall extend state control over the whole penal system within the state's borders. There should be reform schools for children, reformatories for misdemeanants, and penitentiaries for incorrigibles, houses of correction with hospital treatment for drunkards, and a hospital for the criminal insane. All of them should be more than mere places for confinement in custody. All, even the penitentiary for incorrigibles, should be conducted on the principle of reformation, and all except the penitentiary in the confident expectation of the reformation and cure of the delinquent.

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It may be seen at a glance that one essential to success in this scheme is a relation between the duration of the imprisonment and its result upon the prisoner. The law, by its determinate sentences of so many months for one offence and so many years for another, is an effectual obstacle to the effort at restoration. The term of detention must depend upon the prisoner's conversion to good membership in society, which may be determined in some wise method, but which cannot possibly be fixed by the hardand-fast rule of the present statutes. scheme for a correct penal system cannot be carried out until the indeterminate sentence is adopted by law. Still more important is it that the courts should have authority to release the first offender on probation, or what is termed "suspended sentence," which releases the convicted person without imprisonment, but holds him liable for judgment and commitment if his subsequent conduct should be bad. Many may thus be preserved from the corrupting influence of association with hardened criminals and from the stigma of jailbird that would otherwise blight their subsequent life. The experience of Massachusetts, where the system is applied to young offenders, has been so favorable that we believe it should be still more widely applied, and we feel sure that this wider application would result in the salvation of thousands of those whom we may call accidental criminals, by keeping them from associating with the ranks of professional criminals.

We have thus, somewhat roughly in outline, sketched a state system for the treatment of the criminal. The copestone of the edifice is secured when we are able to release on parole prisoners who we have reason to believe are reformed. These would remain under official surveillance for a prescribed period after discharge from close custody, but it would be possible in this manner to shorten their period of incarceration.

It is easier to see what should be done than it is to put theories into practice. Old prejudices have to be overcome, a false economy which seeks to perpetuate vested interests to be discouraged, political opposition to be met, always averse to a reduction in the number of county offices which may furnish rewards for the henchmen of a party. The chief opponents of these reforms at the late Conference of Charities and Correction at Toronto, singularly enough, were two judges, one representing the Canadian bench and the other the Supreme Court of Ohio. They could not conceive of punishment except by imprisonment.

House Bill No. 163, introduced in the last session of the Pennsylvania Legislature, would, if enacted, have been a long step forward, but it was unfortunately lost. It provides chiefly for a state board of prison commissioners having control over all the prisons of the state. Time, however, will surely bring the needed relief. Truth will ultimately triumph, for "the eternal years of God are hers." We would fain see it triumph in our time.

PHILIP C. GARRETT.

English Literature in Secondary
Schools.*

As a subject for study in schools, literature has a threefold advantage-moral, æsthetic, intellectual.

The moral advantage consists in the fact that, like all high art, literature makes the moral ideal alluring. It follows that literature should. be left to produce its own moral effect. When used as a text for preaching, it is robbed of its peculiar moral power and brought under the yoke of didacticism, from which perfect art has happily escaped.

The value of the æsthetic side of literature can hardly be exaggerated, especially in a crude and materialistic nation. The only question is how appreciation of literary form can best be cultivated. Two means of proved effectiveness are right reading aloud to the class and right study of literary form.

This article is the substance of a talk given at a Round-Table Conference during the last session of the Philadelphia Summer Meeting of the American Society for the Extension of University Teaching.

The young pupil needs to have literature interpreted for him by the voice. Nothing else will so quicken his imagination and develop his feeling for literary beauty. To analyze a poem in class without reading it aloud is about as sensible as to close the piano and sit down to pick the bones of a musical score. It is not the verse only that needs vocal expression. Style, thought, passion, the soul of the whole, all catch fire and become more vital through right reading. While this is pre-eminently true of poetry, in a less degree it is true also of prose.

This reading, until late in the course, cannot be done by the class. The average pupil will read in a way to reduce the most imaginative or impassioned poetry to the level of an almanac. If the teacher himself cannot do much better, he lacks one of the first qualifications of a teacher of literature to young pupils. But the kind of reading needed can be attained without great difficulty by a teacher who understands and loves the literature he reads. Intelligent, sympathetic, musical reading, not finished elocutionary skill, is what is essential. The teacher who can so read will easily lead his pupils for a few minutes each day into "the realms of gold" and make them forget the class-room for a time.

The study of literary form should be elementary, and incidental to the reading of some piece of literature. It should also be vital, not mechanical. Many students who come up to college are strong on "amphibrachs" but have no sense of melody and rhythm, no clear ideas of the adaptation of verse to thought. They can sort similes from metaphors, but cannot tell why a particular simile or metaphor is better than a litera! expression. They know the difference between a loose sentence and a periodic, but are quite ignorant of the peculiar advantages of each. In brief, they have been taught dead elements and empty definitions, but not the life and use of the literary facts before them.

Above all, the study of literary form should be definite. It should therefore be restricted to the more tangible literary effects. The commonplace that the finest literary effects elude analy sis is true enough. Words that are splendors, words that are perfumes, phrases of a nameless felicity, the haunting magic of verse, these things must merely be felt. But it is often for gotten that there are literary effects which are more tangible and can be analyzed; and it does the student good to analyze them. Such analy sis may lessen immediate enjoyment, but it makes literary appreciation keener and more intelligent in the end.

The effect of spondees, run-on lines, variation in placing caesuras, etc., is usually a perfectly tangible matter. Even young pupils can be led to see the difference between catalogue description and suggestive description,

and the uses of each. Certain elements of good narrative-rapidity, suspense, surprise, climax can be definitely pointed out and their effect in creating or sustaining interest be explained. Simple matters of plot-structure -variety, contrast, unity-can be studied concretely in connection with a play of Shakspere. In all this work the greatest emphasis should be laid upon definiteness. The student should not be allowed to say merely, "The verse runs along very smoothly and is well adapted to the sense, "This description is so vivid you can almost see the scene," "The threads of the plot are nicely interwoven." He should be compelled to lay his finger upon definite points. Such study develops the eye for the observation of literary effects. Vague statements develop mental laziness and mental fog.

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The intellectual advantage of literature as a school-study comes from the fact that literature expresses thought by words. The habit of thoughtful, accurate reading brings mental discipline of a high order, and as a tool it is indispensable in the study of any subject. In the study of literature itself, an understanding of the thought is necessary to intelligent literary appreciation. The intellectual side of literature also furnishes a needed basis for exact work and exact grading a matter of no small consequence in schoolroom routine.

Yet the amazing fact is that most students when they enter college not only cannot write English, but cannot read English, i. e., they do not get thought accurately from the printed page. Some of them get the most ludicrous misconceptions of what they read, and the majority get only a vague approximation to the thought or a dull misunderstanding of it. Most of these blundering readers are not brainless; they simply have not been trained to read.

This defect has not received the attention it demands, partly because it does not often appear on the surface. Students frequently seem to enjoy literature, they may even be enthusiastic over it, and at the same time they may be making blunders like the following: "Fairy Mab' was a nickname; 'junkets' are griddlecakes." "Harpy-footed furies' are furies with feet like harps, that make music as they walk."

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Much have I travelled in the realms of gold' means that Keats had been in California." Bacchus and his pards' means Bacchus and his companions."""Committed linnets' are linnets sitting on a bough, as if in committee." "Realms of upland, prodigal in oil' refers to a painting of the Prodigal Son." "In this sonnet [The world is too much with us'] the main thought is that a pagan is happier than a mercenary Christian, because the pagan does not expect future punishment." "The sonnet [the same one] expresses Wordsworth's grief at the

loss of a friend by drowning" [suggested by 'Have sight of Proteus rising from the sea']. As a friend of the writer remarks, students who read after this fashion may be "enjoying" poetry, but it is poetry of their own manufacture.

The state of things represented by such blunders is shameful and intolerable. In the teaching of literature more emphasis must be laid upon a study of the thought. Such work need not be dull. It should not concern itself chiefly with definitions of words or explanation of allusions. It should not take the form of verbose paraphrases, saying over again ill what the author has already said well. The greater share of time should be given to a study of the development and articulation of the thought in the essay or poem as a whole, in the paragraph or stanza, in the sentence. Such study, in the hands of a competent teacher, is not only disciplinary, but stimulating, besides having the practical advantages referred to above.

The possibilities for both culture and discipline in the study of English literature, are not yet half developed in most secondary schools. They never will be fully developed until more time is allotted to the subject, and the salaries of teachers of English are high enough to induce men and women of talent to fit themselves thoroughly for their work. Not even a school board can get a quart out of a pint pot.

Brown University.

WALTER C. BRONSON.

Letters to Dead Economists; I. To Dr. Adam Smith.

Sir: In that rude and comparatively early state of society in which you lived, the world of letters was as yet hardly acquainted with the very ingenious device by which, as we cannot make the lights of antiquity communicate with us, we enable ourselves to communicate with them. This art of inditing letters to the illustrious dead has, as you are perhaps aware, been brought to a very high degree of perfection by a fellow-countryman of yours, a Mr. Andrew Lang, whose mortuary epistles have been addressed in turn to some of "the most respectable orders and to some of the most frivolous professions." I should, however, shrink from the most humble attempt to imitate that luminous correspondent, no less than from obtruding my unworthy self upon your notice, were it not that I have reason to believe that I may excite your self-love in my favor and may confine myself to considerations not of my own necessities, but of your advantage.

The Wealth of Nations,' which founded your claim, since disputed, of being "the father of political economy," has not altogether escaped the fate of similar classics. It has been observed

that it is the lot of every literary masterpiece to become with age first the cloistered delight of the student, and finally the defenceless victim of the specialist. How far this has been true in the case of the 'Wealth of Nations' I venture to submit to your candid judgment.

The early verdicts passed upon your illustrious work were, I believe, almost uniformly favorable. The eminent Mr. Buckle so late as 1869 pronounced it "in its ultimate results probably the most important book that has ever been written," and declared it had "done more toward the happiness of man than has been effected by the united abilities of all the statesmen and legislators of whom history has preserved an authentic account." That this is tolerably high praise you will probably be disposed yourself to admit. Unfortunately, more than one of that historian's literary and scientific judgments have been latterly reversed. "If the rod be bent too much one way," says the proverb, "in order to make it straight you must bend it as much the other." When Mr. Buckle penned his eulogistic sentence he was probably unaware that Du Pont de Nemours had long previously declared "everything that is true in this respectable but tedious work, in two fat quarto volumes, is to be found in Turgot's 'Reflexions on the Formation and Distribution of Riches."" Such an unjust and indiscriminate criticism was certainly "a brutal and an odious business," but I cite the remark merely to indicate the extremes to which "the levity and inconstancy of human nature" may proceed.

Midway between this excessive laudation and this indiscriminate abuse, the more careful study of recent economists is tending to settle down to a more rational conclusion. Apart from the Germans who have weighed your immortal work like the fine dust of the balances. the most discriminating study of your services to political philosophy has been made in this generation by Mr. Bagehot, Mr. Woodrow Wilson, and Mr. John Rae. Mr. James Bonar has recently collected the titles of many of the books formerly in your library, and that very ingenious and profound author, Mr. Edwin Cannan, has recently unearthed a copy of one of your former students notes made of your early lectures on Justice, Police, Revenue, and Arms. This latter work especially, edited with lynx-eyed acumen by the excellent Mr. Cannan, promises to put us in possession of many of the secrets of your literary activity which perhaps you had thought would descend to the grave with your ashes. Mr. Cannan's conclusions go far to discredit the contentions of Continental writers as to your alleged plagiarism, and console one in "those anxious and desponding moments" when, in matters speculative as well as practical, we think of "changing masters."

He begins by observing that a somewhat unimportant and obscure chapter "Concerning the Values or Prices of Goods" in the lecture of your teacher, "the never-to-be-forgotten Dr. Hutcheson," upon natural jurisprudence was the germ out of which grew your renowned Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations. In support of this conjecture Mr. Cannan points out that in your own lectures on Jurisprudence (of which the recently discov ered notes give us a fairly adequate notion) you treat, in Part II, under Police, "of the prices of commodities, of money, of the division of labor, and of the progress of opulence,"-in short, of those very topics which comprise so large a part of your later treatise, which Mr. Bagehot has wittily dubbed an account of how "from being a savage, man rose to be a Scotchman." A somewhat detailed comparison of various sections of your lectures on jurisprudence and of the 'Wealth of Nations' makes it obvious that a great part of the substance of this famous work was embodied in your earlier lectures. It is not alone the correspondences between your earlier lectures and your later volume, however, which have revealed to us the secrets of your literary labors. Inasmuch as your lectures on jurisprudence were composed long before you had made the acquaintance of the economists (or physiocrats, as we now call them), it is obvious that you could have incorporated in the earlier lectures nothing that had been bor rowed from those Frenchmen "of great learning and ingenuity." And similarly, as your earlier disquisitions show no trace of any extended treatment of Capital Stock or of Distribution, we might reasonably conjecture with Mr. Cannan that your indebtedness to the physiocrats is limited to dissertations your subjects a conjecture that is amply confirmed by several significant facts. One of these facts, to wit, the subordinate position accorded by you to the theory of distribution, had already suggested to Mr. Cannan long before the recent discovery of your early lectures, that the very idea of Distribution was an after-thought with you, and that you had borrowed the term as a convenient label for your own sagacious remarks upon prices, rent, wages, and profits.

upon

these

Your inclusion of this foreign material in your great work reflects, I feel bound to say, more credit upon your generosity than upon your judgment. Like that of all innovators, your labors have proved "partly solid and partly sophistical"; but, barring your treatment of Rent and its relation to Price, no part of your treatise has been more "barren and unproductive" than your treatment, or more strictly your version of the physiocratic treatment, of capital

and distribution.

There are, to be sure,

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mortal treatise which men of perverse minds have wrested to their own destruction. Your famous distinction between "value in use" and "value in exchange" has been so violently distorted that whole volumes of controversy upon the theory of value have been written by "a peculiar tribe or class of philosophers" whose number, though it may have somewhat improved the dexterity, has certainly not much enhanced the patience of their readers. So refined has been the debate upon this topic that many have employed in its discussion some "ingenious mathematical formularies," which, following your example, I omit as of too intricate a character to be discussed in a letter of this tenor.

So, too, your pregnant remark that "the demand for those who live by wages. . . cannot increase but in proportion to the increase of the funds which are destined for the payment of wages" has given rise to the so-called wages fund theory, which, though for some years the shibboleth of economic orthodoxy, was at last mortally wounded in the house of its friends. Still, though in detail you may occasionally have been not only in error yourself, but the cause, or at least the occasion of error in others, the great outlines of your theory stand intact. It

may seem presumptuous to select for commendation any special parts of your work, but the truth no less than the "conveniency" of several dicta enunciated by you deserves special mention. That price measures economic motive and in the last resort is governed by cost; that self-interest is the greatest stimulus to private exertion and ordinarily the most effective protection of the public interest; and that taxation is a science governed by principles other than plucking what the goose will bear-all these truths you have set in a light which can never grow dim or disappear.

I shall bring this already long epistle to a close by hazarding some observations upon the practical workings of your doctrine as it has "fixed and realized itself" in the policy and practice of nations. You need hardly to be reminded that you once said that to expect "that the freedom of trade should ever be entirely restored in Great Britain is as absurd as to expect that an Oceania or Utopia should be established in it." This result, in whose triumph you had so little confidence, I need hardly tell you, has been completely secured. Before the middle of the present century the manufacturers of England had fully prepared themselves for the conquest of the world's markets; so that, intent only upon their own gain, they were led, as it were, by "an invisible hand," to promote an end which was no part of their original intention, and have since sought by "this liberal and generous system" to rival all "mer

cantile nations in this branch of foreign trade and in due time to justle them out of it altogether." I will only observe in passing that your skepticism in regard to the ultimate triumph of free trade at once allies you (in a measure) with present-day reformers, and at the same time immeasurably separates you from them. You possessed the sagacity to see what reforms would be of permanent advantage, but lacked any large faith in the success of these projects. Our social prophets to-day are given to making excessively optimistic conjectures as to the quickness with which their several Utopias may be launched and realized. They excel you in the sanguineness of their expectations; of your penetration they have inherited little or nothing.

In closing, it would be improper to conceal from you, Sir, that the "simple and obvious system of natural liberty" which you so ably supported has lost vogue appallingly in these latter days. Your idea that the Sovereign, besides defraying the expenses of defence and justice, has but one additional duty, "of erecting and maintaining certain public works . . . which it can never be for the interest of any individual or small number of individuals to erect and maintain, because the profit could never pay the expense to any individual or small number of individuals," has been exactly reversed; and we now hear it said on every side -with what truth I will not determine-that the danger of exorbitant prices to be wrung from the consumer through the private erection and maintenance of public works of all kinds warrants and necessitates the enlargement of the state's industrial domain. Instead of believing, as you did, that no two characters are less compatible than those of "sovereign" and "trader," public opinion seems to be inclining to just the opposite conviction. There are still a few who incline to think that the conclusions you reached on this and similar subjects will vet be substantiated by hard-won experience, but I confess it seems as though experience were the only master by whom the lesson is ever likely to be thoroughly taught. Still, whatever their convictions with reference to modern problems, economists all will agree that your system as originally expounded in the Wealth of Nations,' when taken in connection with the times and customs in which it first saw the light, was, "with all its imperfections. .. the nearest approximation to the truth that had yet been published upon the subject of political economy, and is on that account well worth the consideration of every man who wishes to examine with attention the principles of that very important science."

W. M. D.

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