Surette's 'Eve of St. Agnes', J. H. Ingham, 274. Swami Vivekananda, 'Yoga Philosophy', by C. H. Sweet, H., 'Students' Dictionary of Anglo-Saxon', 20. Swift, Benjamin, 'Nancy Noon', by M. E. W., 64. T., A. E., A Poseur, 55. Tabb, Father, 'Lyrics', 142. Taine, H. A., 'Carnets de Voyage', 122. Ten Brink, 'History of English Literature' (tr. "Ten Epochs of Church History', 94. Thatcher and Schwill, 'Short History of Mediæval Thompson, Francis, 'New Poems', 166. Titchener, E. B., ‘A Primer of Psychology', 43; 'Out- Tolerance, Growth of, 151. Tollemache, The Hon. L., 'Benjamin Jowett', by A. Tradition, F. H. Sykes, 166. Trent, W. P., Southern Statesmen of the Old Trowbridge, John, 'What is Electricity?' by W. J. Two Universities (Harvard and Pennsylvania), 12. Union Traction Company of Philadelphia, 269. University Extension and the University of Berlin, E. University Extension Conference, Philadelphia, March Van Dyke, H., The Builders and Other Poems', by H. Van Dyke, Henry and Paul, The Age of the Vincent, Marvin R., "The Age of Hildebrand', 94. Wage-earners and education, 52. Waliszewski, K., Pierre le Grand', by H. E. Bourne, Walker, George L., 'Aspects of the Religious Life in Wallas, Graham, 48; address before the Civic Club, Wardwell, M. E., 65; Harold Frederic, 152. Warfield, Ethelbert D., 140, 261. Warner, C. D., 'Relation of Literature to Life', 21. Vol. III. THE March, 1897. ASTOR, LEN TILDEN F No. 1. therefore, that effort should be wasted by being wrongly applied, or because different people or, sometimes, the right and left hands of the same person are working at cross purposes. Instances of misapplied effort will occur to everyone; let us consider for a moment one of the most obvious cases of cross purposes in two great interests. There are tens of thousands interested in the churches, and we are all supposed to be interested in politics. The expenditure in both cases is enormous, but, if we assume that the function of religious organizations includes helping people to lead clean and honest lives as well as indicating the means of ultimate salvation, we see at once a distressing lack of correspondence between the influences of religion on the one hand and of politics on the other. If we support churches for the health of souls, and at the same time sustain a morally degrading political system, we are showing an indifference to economy which should be shocking to the common sense of a civilized community. It is not necessary to defend our supposition as to the purposes of religion, but in reference to politics we recognize an obligation to be more explicit. Almost any one asked to name the corner-stones of our political edifice would mention first general suffrage, and representation. He would very likely go on to talk about the purity of the ballot box, the right of all to participate directly or indirectly in government, the equality of all before the law, and the intelligence of the people as assured by our common schools. It is not our contention that there is anything morally degrading in these privileges and conditions. On the contrary, whatever we have that is bad comes from failure upon our part to insist upon them. We cannot deny the possession of general suffrage and representation, but it is easy to show that the maintenance of a strong and corrupt party organization goes far to nullify their advantages. If votes are bought either with money, barrels of flour, or the expectation of favors, in so far as this occurs, the right of suffrage becomes a curse to the participants in the bargain. Whether it is done or not, and to what extent, we leave every one to judge for himself upon the information he possesses. As to representation, under our party rules, it begins with the election of delegates at the primaries. These delegates either make nominations or elect other delegates who make them, and the men who do not take part in choosing the first set of delegates are limited in their choice of representatives to the two or three sets of names that appear on the ballot at election day. Undoubtedly we should go to the primaries and choose delegates, but as a rule we decline to use this opportunity, knowing very well that there is a little group of men who are sure to take it; and we know also what we think of these men who act for us, and what we believe are their reasons for doing so. We can estimate how much we think of the idea of representation-the second corner-stonewhen we examine ourselves as to the amount of trouble and care we take about it. As for the purity of the ballot box, that depends upon the election laws, the way the assessors' lists are prepared and corrected, the way election officers are chosen, and the checks put upon them. We have already presented in THE CITIZEN a comparison of the election laws of Pennsylvania with those of other states. We shall only mention here that the assessors' lists in this state are prepared and corrected by one man in each division and that it is possible for all the election officers in a precinct to be of one party. This seems a little like putting a premium upon fraud. So long as public affairs are in the grip of what is called the machine, the right of all to participate in government becomes-in spite of theoretical arguments about the primaries-a mere abstraction, devoid of inspiration or practical value. Equality before the law has been more or less circumvented by making laws, with the assistance of a disciplined party organization for the particular benefit of special interests. Even our schools have suffered from the taint of selfishness and dis honesty which has infected other once-cherished institutions. We submit that the demoralizing influences of corrupt practices in connection with the ballot box; a system of nominal representation which is not representative of the people but of the comparatively few who expect to find a personal gain in political activity; the withdrawal of the greater part of the voters from any authoritative political action except choosing among party nominees on election day; the buying by one means and another of legislation; and the contamination of the schools by bringing them within the sphere of party politics are all demoralizing influences which are sufficiently far reaching and effective to counterbalance a great part of all that is done by the churches, Sunday-schools, and all other agencies for inculcating morality. Those who support the latter and at the same time sustain a party organization which does not hesitate to hold its power by such abuses as are known of all to exist here and there in this country to-day, might with equal wisdom hire one man to shovel snow from the sidewalk for the benefit of foot passengers and another to shovel it back, that carriages may come up to the kerb. To men who frankly prefer their personal interests to public morality we have nothing to say. But to all that large class of men and women who are giving of their time and means to assist education in the interest of righteousness and good citizenship we suggest that their sacrifices will be to a great extent futile until we have cleaner politics. A practical method of assisting to this end would be to refuse to give a penny to any political organization suspected of a corrupt use of money until we have a corrupt-practice act limiting the amount that can be expended for any election by candidates, their agents, or party; providing for a public accounting under oath for all money spent, and granting a seat, upon proof of violation of the law, to the opposing candidate having the largest number of votes. One great step in the way of improvement will be made this year if our present legislature passes such a civil service law as that to which the Republican party is pledged through its leaders and the action of the Republican state convention. If this is followed by a remodeling of the election laws so as to bring them up to the standard of the best practice in other states, we shall indeed be in the way of political regeneration and may hope to see the time when with a rigid corrupt-practice act we shall be able to think of politics as a means of improvement instead of as a source of evil. It is a grave question also whether the whole system of granting state moneys to privately managed institutions ought not to be abolished as it has been in some other states. To secure an appropriation for a given charity an appeal has to be made to the men who dictate legislation. If, as is conceivable, these men are identified with those things in our politics which all good citizens deplore, we have another incongruity in the fact that our best citizens, who without compensation are managing charitable institutions, are brought into relations with party managers of such a character as to make an aggressive attitude against their short-comings at least in some measure embarrassing. THE provision in the agreement about athletic contests between Harvard and Yale which stipulates that these contests, except those upon the water, shall take place upon the premises of the universities cannot fail to be gratifying to all true lovers of the universities and of clean amateur sport. Athletic grounds, not under the control of the college authorities, to which the public are admitted by tickets, purchasable by any comer, are not proper fields for the games of young men for whose conduct when representing the universities these institutions are responsible. No person who would be permitted upon a race track can be excluded, and the excitement of a great game, which has been discussed for weeks before in the newspapers, is sufficient to attract not only friends of the universities, but a large part of those to whom any "big sporting event" is a matter of importance-persons who bet freely and contribute to a total of excitement which makes the stake of the players too great for the health of just those manly qualities the game is supposed to develop. Children who go away to weep because they lose a game of tennis or croquet are called babies, yet a renowned football team defeated sheds bitter tears with the sympathy of a continent. Football is supposed to teach control of the temper, but the outcome of the whole business has been an amount of rancorous feeling and talk on the part of faculties, students, and friends, not to mention the press, which has stirred up on the whole more bad temper than has ever been restrained by the discipline of the game. With public games on public fields has come besides over excitement an immense expenditure, greater than that for Bradley-Martin balls, and scarcely more justifiable. Universities that, by encouraging these athletic shows, induce the public to spend so much money that from $30,000 to $60,000 a year can be devoted in individual cases to training and providing for their teams, would seem to be contributing somewhat to the sort of extravagance which had better in this country be bridled than stimulated. With the progress of civilization the time may come when athletic contests between gentlemen will be regarded as matches which only concern themselves and their invited guests. Meanwhile, if the athletes are to be trained at the expense of that part of the public which is willing to pay to see the spectacle, would it not be better to take such money only from the friends of the universities-excluding "the fancy" and those to whom "the show" is the only inducement for contributing-by limiting the sale of tickets to persons whose names are sent in by some one connected with the universities represented. We are told that Roman gentlemen occasionally appeared in the arena for the entertainment of the populace but it does not appear that they charged spectators so much a head for the privilege of seeing them perform. We recognize that the universities have been in evidence before the multitude since foot-ball became what it has been lately as they never were before, yet it is a question whether, taking all in all, the notoriety that has been obtained by this. means has really helped the cause of higher education. Mr. Graham Wallas's Visit to America. He Mr. Graham Wallas was in the United States about two months. In that time he delivered forty-three University Extension lectures. He was present at several receptions, meeting many people interested in education and the larger aspects of politics. He attended a session of the Philadelphia Board of Education, visited the Girls' Normal School, the Boys' Manual Training High School, the School of Industrial Art, the Deaf and Dumb Asylum, and some of the grade schools. spoke at Bryn Mawr, at the College Settlement, at schools, also before the Civic Club and the Ethical Society. He met for mutually instructive conversation a large number of persons who wished to compare notes about English and American practice. He lectured in Baltimore, where his audience included among regular attendants the mayor of the city, and many others working either practically or as students in the field of municipal government; in Brooklyn and Camden; and at Fifteenth and Chestnut streets, Germantown, and Kensington, in Philadelphia. He visited New York, speaking to the school commissioners and the school superintendents; and Boston, where he made addresses at the Twentieth Century Club, and at the South End College Settlement. February 16 he visited a number of voting booths in Philadelphia, to study our manner of holding an election, even penetrating to the fourth ward and hearing from Squire McMullin's own lips something of practical methods. He brought from England a considerable quantity of printed matter, which he gave freely to people whom he thought could use it, and he carried away a packing case full of documents for use in the London School Board, and his School of Economics. Before leaving Philadelphia he expressed the opinion that the seven weeks spent in this city was perhaps the one period of his life which he would have been most sorry to have lost. Yet, being a careful student, he disclaims a right to generalize from what he has seen, heard, and read in his short visit. Nevertheless, it was impossible for so keen an observer and so quick a thinker, not to throw out many suggestions of the sort that would naturally occur to a trained investigator in coming in contact for the first time with unfamiliar conditions. Mr. Wallas has gracefully acknowledged the debt incurred in his American experience, and we do not doubt that he has repaid it in stimulating many of those who have come in contact with him by indicating new points of view and new methods of analysis. He has presented the history of certain institutions of his own country and of recent progress in its chief city in a way that cannot but afford encouragement to all who look forward to the remedy of evils which we recognize as existing among us to-day as they existed in more flagrant forms, perhaps, in the England of a few decades ago-evils which appeared so monstrous, when magnified by the fruit they bore in the Crimean war that as a measure of selfpreservation they were to a great extent stamped out. Mr. Wallas's audiences, especially in Philadelphia, have not been large compared with those which sat under Professor Moulton and Mr. Shaw, but they have been quite up to the average University Extension audiences in England. Indeed Mr. Wallas is an advocate of the kind of University Extension work which deals with comparatively small numbers and carries the study of one subject on continuously for, say, a year, in ten session courses. This is rather the character of the work he has lately been doing in England, and he has left some notes relative to its adoption here. We trust that the time is near at hand when something of the kind may be done; but without endowment it is difficult to meet the cost of possibly three times as much teaching with one-third as many students to bear the expense. There may be a few people in every neighborhood, occupied about other things during the day, who would like to study a special subject continuously for a year or more in their evening time, but so serious an interest in any one topic is among us rarely denied gratification, because our colleges and universities make the way extremely easy for students having a really earnest purpose. The number in any one of our communities in whom the desire to specialize is strong, who are fit for such work, yet cannot get college instruction, must be very limited and so scattered as to make the formation of classes difficult. From a population which has been poorly supplied with free libraries it is hardly reasonable to expect to recruit at a moment's notice classes of close and specializing students. One of the greatest services of University Extension as we have it has been to make people read real literature, history, and solid books of other kinds. Some of the fruits of this reading will be the creation of a demand for libraries and a general desire to go further in education. The universities will be sought by a proportionally larger number, and the evening study of busy people will become more systematic and more serious. University Extension is only a matter of six years in the United States; and-as a writer with a new method and style must create, we are told, |