not with office-seekers, but with you is the question, Shall the Union and shall the liberties of this country be preserved to the latest generations? FROM THE ADDRESS TO THE GERMAN CLUB OF February 12, 1861 I agree with you, Mr. Chairman, that the workingmen are the basis of all governments, for the plain reason that they are all the more numerous, and as you added that those were the sentiments of the gentlemen present, representing not only the working class, but citizens of other callings than those of the mechanic, I am happy to concur with you in these sentiments, not only of the native-born citizens, but also of the Germans and foreigners from other countries. Mr. Chairman, I hold that while man exists it is his duty to improve not only his own condition, but to assist in ameliorating the condition of mankind; and therefore, without entering upon the details of the question, I will simply say that I am for those means which will give the greatest good to the greatest number. . . . In regard to the Germans and foreigners, I esteem them no better than other people nor any worse. It is not my nature, when I see a people borne down by the weight of their shackles the oppression of tyranny to make their life more bitter by heaping upon them greater burdens; but rather would I do all in my power to raise the yoke than to add anything that would tend to crush them. Inasmuch as our own country is extensive and new, and the countries of Europe are densely populated, if there are any abroad who desire to make this the land of their adoption, it is not in my heart to throw aught in their way to prevent them from coming to the United States. . . FROM AN ADDRESS AT PITTSBURG, PA. February 15, 1861 (Reported by the New York Tribune) By the Constitution the executive may recommend measures which he may think proper, and he may veto those he thinks improper, and it is supposed that he may add to these certain indirect influences to affect the action of Congress. My political education strongly inclines me against a very free use of any of these means by the executive to control the legislation of the country. As a rule, I think it better that Congress should originate as well as perfect its measures without external bias. SPEECH IN INDEPENDENCE HALL February 22, 1861 On Washington's Birthday, 1861, Lincoln assisted in the raising of a new flag at Independence Hall in Philadelphia. The brief speech which follows has been considered the finest of that series of addresses which he delivered on the way to his inauguration. In the last sentence there is an obvious reference to the threats of assassination which made advisable a change in his itinerary. I am filled with deep emotion at finding myself standing in this place, where were collected together the wisdom, the patriotism, the devotion to principle from which sprang the institutions under which we live. You have kindly suggested to me that in my hands is the task of restoring peace to our distracted country. I can say in return, sirs, that all the political sentiments I entertain have been drawn, so far as I have been able to draw them, from the sentiments which originated in and were given to the world from this hall. I have never had a feeling, politically, that did not spring from the sentiments embodied in the Declaration of Independence. I have often pondered over the dangers which were incurred by the men who assembled here and framed and adopted that Declaration. I have pondered over the toils that were endured by the officers and soldiers of the army who achieved that independence. I have often inquired of myself what great principle or idea it was that kept this Confederacy so long together. It was not the mere matter of separation of the colonies from the motherland, but that sentiment in the Declaration of Independence which gave liberty, not alone to the people of this country, but hope to all the world for all future time. It was that which gave promise that in due time the weight would be lifted from the shoulders of all men and that all should have an equal chance. This is the sentiment embodied in the Dec laration of Independence. Now, my friends, can this country be saved on that basis? If it can, I will consider myself one of the happiest men in the world if I can help to save it. If it cannot be saved upon that principle, it will be truly awful. But if this country cannot be saved without giving up that principle, I was about to say I would rather be assassinated on this spot than surrender it. Now, in my view of the present aspect of affairs, there is no need of bloodshed and war. There is no necessity for it. I am not in favor of such a course; and I may say in advance that there will be no bloodshed unless it be forced upon the Government. The Government will not use force, unless force is used against it. My friends, this is wholly an unprepared speech. I did not expect to be called on to say a word when I came here. I supposed it was merely to do something towards raising a flag- I may, therefore, have said something indiscreet. [Cries of "No, No."] But I have said nothing but what I am willing to live by and, if it be the pleasure of Almighty God, die by. FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS March 4, 1861 The following address, delivered on March 4, 1861, had been written before Lincoln came to Washington and had been revised in accordance with the advice of Wm. H. Seward and other prominent leaders of the Republican Party. It represents Lincoln's last solemn attempt to reunite the nation before the outbreak of war, and it states clearly his attitude toward the issue of Union vs. Secession. Less than two months later, Fort Sumter fell, on April 13. If the speeches delivered on the way to Washington had seemed reserved and indecisive, this address made it plain that Lincoln would defend the Union at any cost. 1. Fellow-citizens of the United States: In compliance with a custom as old as the Government itself, I appear before you to address you briefly, and to take in your presence the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the United States to be taken by the President "before he enters on the execution of his office." 2. I do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or excitement. 3. Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that by the accession of a Republican administration their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered. There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection. It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you. I do but quote from one of those speeches when I declare that "I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so." Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that I had made this and many similar declarations, and had never recanted them. And, more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a |