partial observer that in the establishing and extending of that work Dr. Washington has made the greatest contribution of this generation to the progress of the Southerners, white and black. No industrial school, however, is an answer to the application of a man for work. Indeed if you are going to continue this unjust discrimination, your industrial school becomes an embarrassment; for it creates capacities and aspirations to which the cruel edict of industrial exclusion denies gratification and realization." MR. DURHAM said that he would not have mentioned any one employer for the reason that such mention would be unfair in view of the fact that the trade discrimination was so large; but since Mr. Mercer had furnished his illustration he would reply to the question concerning the Baldwin Locomotive Works, that that magnificent industry does not employ a single colored man as a mechanic. With so many miles of street railway traversing the city of Philadelphia MR. DURHAM knew of only two cases in which colored men or women occupied other than menial positions.

"Think of the significance of this situation!" he said. "Thousands of parents are making sacrifices in order to secure to their children the advantages of our fair and free public school system. Boys and girls go out from these schools year after year, their minds filled with the lessons received there of benefits to be derived from honesty, thrift and industry. Conceive the rude shock they experience on finding, when they get into the world, that they are shut off from advancement, that there is no room at the top' for them!"

That delinquency on the part of the colored people which has caused so much disappointment among the friends of the negro may be properly traced to this lack of opportunity, to which our entire Northern community-even the most earnest philanthropist seems so sadly indifferent.

After the discussion the audience was treated to a solo by MISS SLEEPER.

The Presiding Clerk then read the several testimonies received from the Business Committee:

LABOR.

We see in the great coal strike now in progress another demonstration that, in the course of evolution we are passing from industrial feudalism to industrial democracy. We hold that arbitration is the American method of meeting industrial disputes and that the parties who decline to arbitrate are responsible for whatever of evil follows. We believe when competition results in monopoly that the conditions are made easier for the public to insist upon that co-operation which means the industrial application of the Golden Rule, and we would rouse the public to a sense of its opportunity and responsibility in this matter.

COLOR DISCRIMINATION IN LABOR.

In view of the discrimination practiced in the work-day world against colored men and women because of their color, -employers generally, the large corporations, and the various labor organizations, are urged to consider skill and character as the only proper standards for employment and promotion; and we pledge ourselves to use our influence to secure equal opportunities in business relations, for the colored with white workers.

OUR RELATIONS WITH CUBA AND THE

PHILIPPINES.

We rejoice in the birth of the Republic of Cuba, and for what the United States has done for that island. We think its record as friend and emancipator will not be complete, however, until it has established reciprocal trade relations with this new nation.

We deeply lament the use of coercion in the Philippines, and hold that a policy of conciliation should be substituted therefor. That our government should make it clear to the world, at once, that it enters those islands of the East not as conqueror, but as liberator; that it aims to help the people to self-government, and in the process to protect them against foreign aggression, to the end that under its friendship another new nation may be born.

CRUELTIES IN THE PHILIPPINES.

We view with abhorrence the cruelties and barbarities practiced by our troops on the natives of the Philippine Islands. These brutalities are of a nature which would have disgraced the middle ages; but they are the logical and natural fruit of the tree which we planted there three years ago. In the name of Humanity and of our Democracy we demand that that tree be uprooted.

MILITARISM.

We condemn in unmeasured terms the spirit of militarism into which so many circles of our people have been betrayed by the events of the last four years; and we call upon our people to see to it that the Republic maintain its leadership as the great peace power of the world.

THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC.

Keenly feeling the deplorable fact that every year multitudes of our citizens are being degraded and pauperized by drinking intoxicating liquors; that our present system of licensed saloons, with the accompanying social custom of "treating," leads many to yield to temptation thus thrown in their path who would not go out of their way to seek it; that the burden, in loss of time and of property and in the demoralization of character, falls heavily, not alone on the drunkard, but on the families and descendants of these unfortunates; that loss to its members is ever a loss to the community; there fore, resolved, that to protect society and those individuals not strong enough to resist such temptation, it is the manifest duty of the thoughtful citizen who has at heart his own and his neighbor's best interest, to use his personal influence and his ballot for the overthrow of the Liquor Traffic.

These testimonies were voted upon and adopted by the meeting.

EDWIN D. MEAD, of Boston, occupied the remainder of the afternoon in an admirable address. It is with sincere regret we are compelled to give in meager outline only his scholarly and profoundly humanitarian interpretation of what he termed

'THE HIGHER PATRIOTISM.

I am glad, he said, to find you still discussing abolitionism, in one or another phase, here at Longwood. Emancipation is just begun. Slavery is not a thing of the plantation only. It is a hydra-headed monster. You deal it a killing blow at one point and directly it manifests vigorous development at another. The negro will never be free while he is debarred from exercising all his higher faculties. Man is a slave so long as he is hindered from growing into the full stature of a son of God. You do well to keep the good work of emancipation going on. I like to remember, too, that the "old anti-Slavery" workers were usually adverse to war. Whittier's stirring anti-Slavery poems and Garrison's motto at the head of The Liberator: "My Country is the World; My Countrymen, all Mankind," still ring out an inspiration to us, as the true patriotism. To acknowledge allegiance to our own bailiwick only, to our own County, State and Nation, and hold ourselves on the defensive toward all beyond these, is not high patriotism; not the kind we have met here to praise.

All the wars which have threatened devastation to Europe sprang from national animosity and the spirit of rivalry. Every European nation is now as an army bristling with bayonets. Soldiers are in the barracks, and the national treasuries are drained heavily to maintain it all. This armed peace has come to be almost as great a tax on the national resources as were the wars of earlier times. In view of this state of affairs Tolstoi wrote his "Patriotism versus Christianity." He says, the time has now come when patriotism is no longer a virtue. Whatever it may have been in the past it is a crime in the light of Christ's teaching, and one which strikes most directly at the heart of the doctrine of the brotherhood of man.

Most of us wince when we hear patriotism spoken of as a crime; but there are greater words than "patriotism" and among them are "justice" and "humanity." They embrace all mankind and give us broader scope than that set by the boundaries of our country.

When we can perceive that mankind are one; that the

ultimate interests of all are identical and we make the uplifting of the human race our constant aim, we are patriots. This is the Higher Patriotism.

We have in Boston "a grand old man" to whom we turn for the fitting word on our commemorative occasions, Edward Everett Hale. He was a Boston boy; born almost in sight of Boston Common. Boston is very close to his heart; but his love for Boston makes him none the less a citizen of the State and of the Nation, or of the world as well. By his full measure of devotion to and well-wishing for his towns-people he is fitted to enter the larger circle of devotion embracing the world.

This sentiment of broader patriotism has been gradually growing until we now have as an established fact an International Tribunal for the arbitration of difficulties among the nations. The greatest trouble we have ever had in the United States sprang from the conflict between State rights and National Sovereignty. It cost the nation a civil war and almost its life.

The United States government is partially a parable of this world as we desire to see it written. The Federation of the United States is a prototype of the Federation of the world that we hope for. As National patriotism was held above State patriotism so did the nation develop.

The time is coming when it will not do to say, "I am an American," "I am a German," or "I am a Spaniard." We must say, "I am a citizen of the world;" and we must settle questions with a view to the best interests of the whole world.

A book recently published is entitled "George Washington, the Expander of England." We have not been in the habit of thinking of George Washington as the expander of England, but rather as its contracter; and of a right good share of her territory, at that. But the author is right, George Washington taught England, in a most drastic manner, that she can expand only through fair-dealing with her children.

Let us welcome expansion if there is an adequate reason for it; but any attempt at expansion which contracts the liber