Dr. Kelsey wished to present under several headings, the popular assumptions about the negro, upon which have largely been based our consideration of the race problem and which assumptions he believed to be untrue.

First. That of the identity of stock in this race. The idea that a negro is just a negro, is a fallacy. Some are poorly endowed, others have superior ability. In the various parts of Africa the Hamitic and Semitic blood have been mingled in a way to produce radically different types.

Second. That the negro and mulatto are identical. This seemed to him to need no reputation. The facts speak for themselves. He believed that most of the leading colored men who have made reputations are of mixed blood.

Again, he said, we err when we suppose there exists uniformity of conditions in the South. He made a rapid survey of the geographical outlines and the topographical features of that region, showing how these became an incentive or a check to certain industries, and induced habits of thrift or otherwise in the people. That the negroes in the several parts of the South are living under unequal conditions, subject to dissimilar influences and, consequently, uniform progress cannot be expected of them.

What the newspapers call race war he believed did not exist. There is lynching and lawlessness where there is a low condition of enlightenment in both races, but the Southern negro has no better friend than the intelligent planter. None more willing to help him nor more capable of dealing wisely with his requirements.

He considered the life of the country farmer to be favorable to the evolution of the race, for that character which comes as a result of a man's own efforts is more readily developed among the farmers and planters.

In Gloucester county, Virginia, near Old Point Comfort, there is a colored population of a most encouraging character. There we find few of the so-called cabins. The homes are well constructed, having the conveniences of civilized life. The negroes there are successful farmers and own a considerable area of land. Their diet is varied and wholesome. Few violations of law occur and their jails are empty.

This favorable condition may be attributed to the influence of Hampton Institute. In every case where successful schools exist that local region shows a favorable effect therefrom.

To sum the case, the conditions are so diverse among these 8,000,000 people that much more than a superficial knowledge of them, their requirements and their limitations, is needed by those who would help them up and on. When we have knowledge enough we may be of actual service in helping solve the problem which now presses so heavily on the South.

At the close of his interesting address the speaker replied to a number of questions.

DR. HANNAH T. CROASDALE asked, Why do the Southern people object to the occupation of positions of trust by educated negroes?

DR. KELSEY: Race prejudice does not depend upon reason. Social equality and race integrity are the same thing in the opinion of a Southerner; and in political and civil equality they forejudge social equality.

It was asked, "What is the educational outlook for the Southern negro?"

DR. KELSEY said, Since the war $110,000,000 have been spent upon their education. The school system there is, however, in an unsatisfactory condition. The school term being, often, only three or four months in the year. In Louisiana there are regions where no public schools were organized till last year. There the situation is complicated by a third race,the French Creoles-who oppose the education of the negro. But the best classes at the South favor negro education, as well as that of all its white population. Annually there are twice as many calls for trained teachers, such as Tuskegee prepares, as that institution can furnish.

MR. BRUCE said, The negro naturally resents being treated as if he were a means to the accomplishment of some end, rather than a vital end in himself.

FREDERIC A. HINCKLEY, in closing the meeting, said in part, Longwood has always been sound on questions of morals. I believe this meeting has given us a clearer perception of the complex issues of the situation than we have ever had before.

Though these problems are complicated and many sided, and enlightenment and a recognition of human brotherhood make slow progress, yet as we study them one common hope fills all hearts. Even now we see signs of day-break everywhere. The faith of Longwood is, as it has ever been, that the balance of tendency is, toward the True, the Beautiful and the Good. That life is a good gift, and that "God's blessings are here, and now, and everywhere." May we each carry this faith into the work of the world and into our lives among

men.

The fifty-first Yearly Meeting of the Progressive Friends, at Longwood, was then pronounced adjourned for another year.

FIRST-DAY MORNING-10.30.

There was an appreciative audience and a well-filled house. DR. AGNES KEMP, of Swarthmore, presided, and introduced the speaker of the day, Miss Lucia Ames Mead, of Boston, Mass.

The meeting opened with a hymn by the choir.

The musical exercises this morning were conducted by Charles Swayne-as they had been through the Yearly Meeting to the enjoyment of all.

Mrs. Mead read from Scripture, also appropriate parts of Whittier's Centennial hymn.

Dr. Kemp offered an impromptu prayer.

Charles Swayne sang a sacred solo.

Mrs. Mead's discourse was upon Peace among the Nations of the earth, which could be established, she believed, only by THE ORGANIZATION OF THE WORLD.

She said in part, that no subject demanded the attention of the thoughtful world to-day so much as this one, which she was to discuss. In making this apparently extreme statement she did not forget the drink problem, nor the burning questions of labor and capital, nor the need of expending many times what we are now spending on school education. She knew that our drink bill equalled that for bread-stuffs and shoes combined; that we still had six million illiterates, and

achieve

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that the average woman-teacher received far too meagre a
salary. But multitudes, she said, are busy trying to solve all
these problems, and vast sums are being given in aid of them,
while scarcely one citizen in a hundred has so much as dreamed
that the world could be organized and not one in a thousand
is working to equire it.

All our philanthropies combined are of far less conse-
quence than world organization. They are, in comparison, but
palliatives while this is so radical, and far reaching, as, when
established, to do away with the need of half of all the other
reforms of the world.

Such a proposition in any previous period of the world's history would have been impossible. Henry IV, William Penn and Emanuel Kant, all thought of the abolition of war as a far away, millennial dream.

But the shrinkage of the world by steam and electricity, and
the increasing complexity of modern business relations have

made world organization a necessity. Thus far, the largest formul
organization, deliberately and voluntarily found is that of our
forty-five united states of America. The principles of the or-
ganization of these states must be extended to the nations of
the earth.

Disarmament and peace can come only when the world is
organized. As Kant foresaw, the first step toward organization
must be the achievement of representative government. When
he wrote, only England had representative government, now
no nation in all Christendom but Russia is without it. This
great stride toward world-organization was the accomplish-
ment of the nineteenth century, and its fitting climax was the
opening of a Permanent International Tribunal at the Hague
in 1901. Mrs. Mead explained at some length the influences
which led to the Czar's rescript and dwelt especially on the
remarkable work of the imperial councillor, Jean de Bloch,
and his demonstration that war between equal powers will in
future bring economic exhaustion for both and victory for
neither. The Hague Court received its first case in much less
time than it took our Supreme Court to get its first case. Its
second case-the Venezuela claims-involved eleven nations,

and its third case is now before it. Sceptics who fear that the Hague Court will accomplish little because it has no power to enforce its decisions should remembers that within one hundred years two hundred and fifty international difficulties have been settled by arbitration courts or commissions, and not one defeated party refused in the end to abide by the decision given. When nations are civilized enough to voluntarily choose arbitration they have sufficient honor to abide by their pledged word.

The next step forward is the strengthening of the Hague Court by general international treaties, pledging the nations to refer certain classes of cases to it.

Since October, 1903, eight treaties between different European nations have marked a signal advance and left the United States lagging in the rear of progress. Our Senate must be urged by public sentiment to approve such treaties with England, France and other nations, as our president is eager to negotiate so soon as he is assured that the Senate will ratify them. These treaties should be without reservations, even questions of honor should go to the Hague Court.

In conjunction with these treaties, Congress should empower the president to invite the nations of the world to form a Stated International Advisory Congress to consider the increasingly important questions of international relations, the delegates to refer their recommendations back to their respective nations for ratification. A body of international law would thus gradually be established and many causes of friction and war would be eliminated. Such a body of one or two hundred men of high repute, meeting every three or four years in Geneva or Brussels, or some other place, would be the forerunner of Tennyson's "Parliament of Man."

One common objection to national disarmament is based on the fallacy that all kinds of force-the police, the militia, and the army, are essentially the same. "As long as we need police to guard our cities we shall need armies to guard our country,” is as specious a statement as can be made. The sole function of the police in relation to a criminal is to bring him to court. Only that minimum of force is allowed which will get him