deserve to be held up for admiration, in all ages and generations? But how can this be made known or properly estimated, without a recital of the atrocities to which they have been subjected? How else are men to learn what is the natural fruit of that institution, which has so long been paramount in the revolted states, penetrating all the relations of life, underlying all measures, and overshadowing all interests, giving shape and tone to society in all its departments, and manifestations to its civilization, its literature, and even its religion? These atrocities are the natural outgrowth of slavery, and show it to be barbarous in its tendencies and results, as well as in its origin. Such an institution, trampling upon the rights of man, ignoring the social relations of husband and wife, of parent and child, reducing one class to a state of chattelism, and making irresponsible despots of another, cannot but foment the worst passions, and be productive of violence and bloodshed. This, in substance, was long since affirmed by the illustrious author of the Declaration of Independence, and it is confirmed by the present rebellion. In these atrocities may be seen, what is the state of society which it produces, what is the civilization it admits of, what is the Christianity to which it gives shape. But it may be said that atrocities have been committed on the Union side. This is doubtless true. But they have been comparatively limited in number and enormity, and have usually met with exemplary punishment when detected. Our people and our Government, our officers and our soldiers, have been slow to retaliate, when deeds of barbarism have been committed by the rebels. It may be questioned whether they have not forborne when forbearance ceased to be a virtue. Fort Pillow, which will constitute one of the bloodiest pages of history, remains unavenged. The starving and shooting and bayoneting of prisoners of war, so common by the rebels, have never been imitated by us. While Unionists in the revolted states are hunted down like wild beasts by blood-hounds, Secession sympathizers among us are usually unmolested and allowed freely to utter their sentiments. It may be said further that these atrocities are in many ́ cases the work of guerrillas. But when or where, have they been repudiated and condemned by the rebel authorities? When or where have the authors of them been punished on account of them? In how many cases have they been commended and extolled, and rewarded with the honors and emoluments of office? But it may be said, still further, that the atrocities. recorded in this book are isolated and extreme cases, and do not present a fair view of the matter. Would that this were true! But so far is this from being true, that the picture, as already intimated, is altogether too faint. The atrocities related in this book are only specimens; mere selections from an immense mass of hideous deeds of barbarism. Were the whole to be recorded, the mind would tire of, and recoil from the recital; were the whole to be recorded, volumes would be required. Barbarism has characterized the rebellion from the beginning to the present hour, in every state, and county, and town, and village, and hamlet. It originated in barbarism; has been prosecuted with barbarism; and may its overthrow be the overthrow of barbarism, and give place to a higher civilization, and a purer Christianity! Believing that these atrocities should be held up for the execration of mankind; that they illustrate great and fundamental truths in morals and politics; that a brief record of them is necessary for the instruction of his countrymen, the author commits the work to the public, in the hope that it may be of some little service to the country and the world. WILLIAM Russell. TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR BY THE REBEL GOVERNMENT. PRELIMINARY. THE advancing civilization of centuries, the cultivation of literature, the diffusion of knowledge, the extension of commerce, the increasing intercourse of nations, and above all, the prevalence of Christianity with its benign and subduing influences, has not been without effect on the treatment of prisoners of war. Once it was the rule that they should be slain without mercy, or reduced to a state of abject bondage. But now we are horrified by the accounts of such conduct which have come down to us from past ages, and execrate the memory of the cruel and bloody men who showed no mercy to the unfortunate prisoner of war. Even a Roman triumphal procession, however imposing, is to us revolting, on account of the position and treatment of the captive. Now, it is required among civilized and Christian nations, that prisoners of war should be treated hu 2 (13) ' |