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If we should attempt by war to compel France to pay the money in question, none who know the two nations can doubt but the contest would be fierce, bloody, and obstinate. Suppose, however, that our success is such as finally to enable us to dictate terms to France, and to oblige her to pay the money. Imagine, Mr. President, that the little purse, the prize of war and carnage, is at last obtained. There it is, sir, stained with the blood of Americans, and of Frenchmen, their ancient friends. Could you, sir, behold or pocket that blood-stained purse without some emotions of pain and remorse?

JEWISH DISABILITY.

LORD JOHN RUSSELL.

You say that the legislature ought to be a Christian legislature ; that the parliament ought to be a Christian parliament; but do you not say that the nation is a Christian nation, and that the British people are a Christian people? Why, in the same sense in which you say that the nation is a Christian nation, though there may be thirty thousand Jews among them, you might say that the parliament was a Christian parliament, although, among the six hundred and fifty-six members of the House of Commons, there might be six persons professing the Jewish religion. I therefore wish that this ground of argument were not taken by those whose object it is to prevent the Jews entering into parliament; because the general character of the parliament must depend, now, as in former times, on the sentiments of the people at large, and on the sentiments of those who represent them; and it is not by inserting seven words in an act of parliament,it is not by a mechanical contrivance of this kind,-that you can secure religious obligation.

If I am asked what are the prevailing reasons for the motion that I propose, I appeal, in the first place, to the constitution of these realms ; I appeal to that constitution which is intended to give to every man those rewards, that honor, that estimation to which his character and talents may entitle him. I appeal to that constitution which is the enemy of restriction or disqualification; to that constitution which, by the abrogation of the laws existing a few years ago, has put an end even to those cases of exception which our ancestors thought, upon the ground of imminent danger to the state and church, they were justified in imposing. I ask you, in the name of that constitution, to take away this last remnant of religious persecution, to show that you are not influenced by the numbers or terrors that might make that which was an act of political justice, an act of political necessity. I ask you, in the name of that constitution, to admit the Jews to all the privileges, to all the rights, of which those who are not excluded from them, are

so justly proud; and, let me tell you, that you cannot judge of the feelings of those who are excluded, by the number of those who might wish for seats in parliament, or who might aspire to hold office under the crown. Many a man who would not seek for either, would be content to pass his days in obscurity, and would wish for no other advantages than those of private life; but he feels the galling degra dation, the brand that is imposed upon him, when he is told that men of all other classes, men of the Established Church, Protestant dissenters and Roman Catholics, may all enter within these walls, may all enjoy those advantages; but that he belongs to a sect which, by the law and constitution, is proscribed and degraded.

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But I would make a still higher appeal. I would make an appeal to the principles of that Christianity which has so long been the law of the land. I appeal to you, then, in the name of that religion which is a religion of charity and love, to do unto others as you would they should do unto you."—I ask you why it is, that, when we are taught by examples and parables, that we ought to love our neighbors, it is not priests or Levites who are singled out as instances for our approbation and admiration; but it is one of a proscribed sect,-one who belonged to what was then the refuse of all nations? I ask why is it that we are taught that all men are brothers,-that there is no part of the human race, however divided from us by feelings or color, that ought to be separated from us? but that all belong to the family of man, and ought to be loved as brothers. I ask you, therefore, in the name of that constitution which is the constitution of freedom, of liberty, and of justice,-I ask you in the name of that religion which is the religion of peace and good will towards men,-to agree to the motion which I have the honor to make, "That the House should resolve itself into a committee on the removal of the civil and political disabilities affecting her Majesty's Jewish subjects."

From "Speech in Parliament.”

AID TO HUNGARY.

KOSSUTH.

I BELIEVE there is the hand of God in history. You assigned a place in this hall of freedom to the memory of Chatham, for having been just to America, by opposing the stamp act, which awoke your nation to resistance.

Now the people of England thinks as once Pitt, the elder, thought, and honors, with deep reverence, the memory of your Washington. But suppose the England of Lord Chatham's time had thought as Chatham did; and his burning words had moved the English aristoc

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racy to be just towards the colonies; those four men there, had not signed your country's independence; Washington were perhaps a name unknown, unhonored, and unsung;" and this proud constellation of your glorious stars, had perhaps not yet risen on mankind's sky,-instead of being now about to become the sun of freedom. It is thus Providence acts.

Let me hope, sir, that Hungary's unmerited fate was necessary in order that your stars should become such a sun.

Sir, I stand, perhaps, upon the very spot where your Washington stood, a second Cincinnatus, consummating the greatest act of his life. The walls which now listen to my humble words, listened once to the words of his republican virtue, immortal by their very modesty. Let me, upon this sacred spot, express my confident belief that if he stood here now, he would tell you that his prophecy is fulfilled; that you are mighty enough to defy any power on earth, in a just cause; and he would tell you that there never was, and never will be, a cause more just than the cause of Hungary, being, as it is, the cause of oppressed humanity.

Sir, I thank the Senate of Maryland, in my country's name, for the honor of your generous welcome. Sir, I entreat the Senate kindly to remember my downtrodden fatherland. Sir, I bid you farewell, feeling heart and soul purified, and the resolution of my desires strengthened, by the very air of this ancient city..

THE LIMIT OF INTERVENTION.

JUDGE DUER.

THERE are special reasons why we should unite in praise and honor to our illustrious guest. All who have studied his actions and his speeches, and who have formed a right estimate of his character, will concede this to be true. This estimate must not be founded on a partial view. All his titles to approbation must be united. He must not simply be regarded as the bold and wise- asserter of his country's freedom. Neither his affection, nor his hopes, are limited to his own country. He is devoted to the cause of the people against their oppressors, deeply impressed with the necessity of raising his people politically and socially. He is a republican; and even in England, he frankly avowed himself to be such. His speeches and proclamations at home, and, above all, his magnificent discourses delivered in England, conclusively prove that he is endowed with all the attributes of an orator and a statesman. He is fitted by his knowledge, and his wisdom, to sway the councils and rule the destinies of a nation.

Nor is this all. These all prove that he is, in the best sense of the word, a conservative statesman,-that he is resolved to maintain those

time-hallowed institutions on which the peace of society depends. He is a republican;-but he is not a Jacobin,-not a socialist. He is a republican of the true color,-the color of our boundless skies and a protecting heaven,—not of the red of France, reminding us of a Marat, a Danton, or a Robespierre. He sees and he condemns the abuses that exist under the old monarchies of Europe; and he must know that, until these forms be changed, those abuses must still exist. He is equally a foe to those insane theories which seek to destroy the institutions of society,-property, marriage, and all the relations of home. His principles are not those of socialism;—and it is a calumny to say they are. I have studied his actions and his speeches; and if there is truth in man, his mind is not only very profoundly philosophical, but deeply religious. The assertions to the contrary ought to be repelled, as the vilest calumny.

The freedom he seeks to establish is that which we enjoy,-the freedom of a well-balanced representative democracy. In short, the freedom that he values is that which it is the paramount duty of your judges to watch over and preserve. Here it is proper their voices should be heard in the national chorus of applause that has greeted his arrival,—a chorus that, I hope, each hour will contribute to swell. It is the voice of a nation that has welcomed him to our shores. It has been a chorus of perfect unanimity; for the exceptions had been too few to deserve a notice.-The moderation he has shown, the constructive wisdom, as well as the ardor he has displayed, and the admirable sentiments of his discourse,-it is these that have impressed on the minds of the people a deep conviction of his moral elements and his intellectual power.

I feel bound to say, however, to prevent misconstruction on my own behalf as well as that of a large number of my brethren of the bench and the bar, that I must not be understood as assenting, or wish to be understood as assenting, to the sentiments our guest has submitted in regard to the policy of our government. Nothing has struck me with so much admiration as his noble frankness. I feel that the same frankness is due in return. I venture to say, that, if I cannot be heard, mischief has been already done, and Americans could not be listened to. It is not my purpose to enter upon any discussion of debatable questions. I wish only to say that the questions which the sentiments of our guest suggest, are regarded by many as the most deeply interesting of any that have ever been raised since the foundation of our government. And many of us doubt whether it is safe that such propositions should be first submitted to popular assemblies,-when reasons only on one side are heard. They involve a sudden and a violent departure from the settled policy of our government,-a policy not founded on a temporary expediency, but on the principles of our

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constitution. Such propositions ought not to be adopted until understood in all their consequences,-until subjected to a thorough discussion.

From "Speech at the Dinner given by the Bar to Kossuth."

THE CAUSE OF HUNGARY.

R. M. T. HUNTER.

WHEN I first heard, sir, that the Hungarian patriots had been forced to take refuge with the Turk, and seek at his hands the charity of an asylum which Christendom refused them, I could but recall the day when that country was the bulwark of Christendom against the Infidel, and Hunniades made good its title to that debatable land between the Crescent and the Cross. When I saw who the oppressor was, whose foot was upon the neck of bleeding Hungary, I could but recur to the time when a noble ancestress of his, who to the loveliness of woman added the soul of a Cæsar, threw herself upon those people for succor and protection. The scene arose before me, as it appears on the pictured page of Macaulay, in which she is represented upon horseback, weak from recent suffering, yet strong in will, flushed under the weight of St. Stephen's iron crown, and after a fashion of her race, which would have been deemed extravagant by any but an Oriental imagination, waving the sword of state to the four quarters of the heavens, and bidding defiance to the earth.

But hard as has been the lesson taught the Hungarian in his recent struggles, it would do no good for foreign powers to interpose in his favor, and give him armed assistance; still less would it be of any avail to offer him such a resolution of sympathy as this. There is not, sir, on the page of history, an instance of a nation which has maintained its liberty by foreign aid; for the moment the protecting hand is withdrawn, it must fall, unless it has some internal resources—some means within itself of maintaining its independence, and for self-defence. I have said, sir, that this resolution of sympathy will do the Hungarian cause no good. But is that enough to say? Is there no danger that it may do that brave but unfortunate people some harm? It has been said, by wise and observing men, that the final catastrophe of Poland was probably hastened by imprudent speeches made in the British House of Commons and the French Chamber of Deputies. It is said that those imprudent but sympathizing speeches awakened false hopes in Poland, and led to unwise movements there.

Is there no danger that such a course of action as is proposed here might give rise to unfounded hopes in Hungary, or increase, perhaps, their sufferings by irritating those who govern them? But, sir, be that as it may with regard to Hungary, I am not prepared to take this step

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