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immortality, a vast influence for virtuous conduct would be taken away. It is on this ground that the state has a right to make laws to protect and encourage the religious worship of all denominations and all religions. Any religion which continually reminds men that they have immortal souls, and that they are responsible to God for their conduct, is an advantage to the community. The sound of a church-bell, the music of an old psalm-tune, awaken associations and memories which make all men better. "As I was walking in my garden at Malmaison," said the first Napoleon, "I heard the distant sound of the church-bell at Rueil, and I stopped, moved involuntarily by old associations. If I, a man like me, am so affected, how much force must such influences have on the mass of mankind!"

If the Church, instead of following blindly its old forms on Sunday, shall consider seriously how to modify, enlarge, and improve its work, then, like its Master, it will be once more "Lord of the Sabbath." The day has now half escaped from its hands; let it hasten to recover its hold. When the community finds that the churches are meaning to furnish the greatest possible amount of education, good influence, and innocent happiness on this day, they will gladly again accept its leadership. Instead of the religious influence of Sunday being diminished, it will be largely increased by such a change. If the Church takes charge of the whole day— devoting the morning to worship and religious teaching, the afternoon to works of charity and instructive lectures, and the evening to social meetings and innocent recreation-then the whole day will be sanctified and become altogether the Lord's day.

Every such attempt to provide innocent recreation for the community on Sunday will be opposed, and honestly opposed, on the ground that it will interfere with church-going. The reply is, first, that there are multitudes who have abandoned church-going-multitudes who never now put their foot into a church. Since these persons will not go to the Church, shall not the Church come to them, offering them innocent recreation in the place of intemperance and its evil consequences? Is it not better for them to read, talk, listen to music, or to a lecture in a pleasantly lighted hall, than drink themselves crazy in a bar-room? The temptations of sin are at every corner-it is not necessary to buy or hire a seat in order to be welcomed into a lighted and cheerful saloon, where drink will seem to drive away care.

But, secondly, we can not fail to see that the churches must

adopt new methods in order to fill the empty seats. The time has passed when every one went to church as a matter of duty, in obedience to a positive divine command. Henceforth they must go because they find themselves happier for going, because they enjoy their church opportunities. They can not any longer be driven to church by obedience to positive divine law; they must be attracted by love for the Church itself. The Church, then, must be made more attractive, and new methods be found for interesting all classes in its public service. Already, people go to church where they think they get the most good: some, because they enjoy a popular preacher; some, because they enjoy fine music, noble architecture, solemn ceremonies, and ritual; some, because it is the only society they have, the only place where they have a part in any social life. The churches of the poor take the place to them of clubs, parties, receptions, and other social entertainments. sides all this, there is a profound craving in man for worship, for a religious influence. This will never be outgrown. We may confidently rely upon it as sufficient to draw people to church, provided the churches are hospitable, attractive, cheerful, social, and sincerely devout.

Let us plant ourselves firmly and confidently on the principle that Sabbath, Lord's day, church, and religion are made for manand all are to be so used, so changed and so improved, as to satisfy all his wants. The only rule for keeping Sunday is so to use it as to get the most good out of it. The one test, if we think only of ourselves, of the right and wrong use of the day is, Does it refresh us, soul and body, and leave us better fitted for all our duties? Whatever does this, is right to be done on Sunday.

Rest and refreshment are the two objects of the day. That amusement is right which rests and refreshes soul and body; that amusement is wrong which unfits us for the work of the week. This is the difference between recreation and dissipation. One creates our powers anew, the other dissipates and wastes them.

But, while we are seeking what is best for ourselves, we must always bear in mind what is good for others also.

No man lives to himself, nor dies to himself. Pure individualism can not exist unless on Robinson Crusoe's island. No man has a right to withdraw himself from all concern in the interests of his fellow-man. Therefore we should give our influence to those Sunday laws, customs, and institutions which will be best for young and old, rich and poor, wise and ignorant. If we really believe

that happy, quiet, restful Sundays are needed by the people, then, whether we ourselves need them or not we should do what we can to secure them for others. If we believe that Sunday can be made of still greater use to the people than it is now by increasing its methods of furnishing innocent healthful recreation, and by opening the doors of churches, libraries, galleries of art, museums of natural history, reading-rooms, halls for familiar lectures on literary and scientific subjects, and for music, let us all help toward this end each in his own way-considering not only what is good for ourselves, but also what is good for others.

JAMES FREEMAN CLARKE.

SOUTHERN STATESMEN AND THEIR POLICY.

THE boast of the Democracy, in the recent canvass, of "a solid South," seemed to illustrate the madness of those whom the gods have determined to destroy, since it repelled the last cherished hope of a reviving loyalty, and presented for the judgment of the nation the views and aims of the Southern leaders.

Among the subjects connected with the outcome of the rebellion, to which slight justice has yet been done, from which political leaders on both sides have appeared to shrink, and which await the criticism of publicists and the judgment of history, are the degree of wisdom exhibited by the representatives of the North who planned and executed their scheme of reconstruction for the Southern States, with extended powers and slender guarantees; and next, the policy and methods resorted to by the champions of "the lost cause," to recover the control of their section and ultimately of the republic.

The Convention which framed the American Constitution was called by Jefferson "an assembly of demigods," and Mr. Gladstone has spoken of that Constitution as "the most wonderful work ever struck off at a given time by the brain or purpose of man." It remains to be seen whether other Jeffersons and Gladstones will apostrophize as superhuman the virtue, wisdom, and foresight that presided at Washington over the reconstruction of the South, and commend that work as a masterpiece of statesmanship, wonderful and godlike, to the admiration of the world.

Small reverence has thus far been expressed for it by the Republicans themselves, as their triumphant party gradually fell from the height of power to the valley of humiliation; as they watched those recently in rebellion against the Government, reconquering loyal States and resuming the control of the Senate and the House; and as in utter helplessness they saw fraud, intimidation, and vioVOL. CXXXI.-NO. 289.

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lence spreading over the South-the murder-rate rising to a degree unknown to the rest of Christendom; Southern citizens who stood by the Government ostracized and punished; while with a bad faith, at which the world still marvels, the ballot of the freedman, for which the South claimed an increase of electors, was arrested by assassination.

The policy of conciliation and confidence on which the Government based its scheme of reconstruction was at the time pronounced by European statesmen sentimental and dangerous. It was the exaggerated counterpart of that feeble and fatal policy of conciliation and concession into which the nation had been so long deluded by the Slave-power under assurances of its devotion to the Union, until what was deemed a convenient period arrived for its dissolution.

However conciliatory and magnanimous our policy, there were things clearly demanded by the safety and honor of the nation. We might waive indemnity for the past, but we had no right to waive security for the future: security for the Union whites, security for the enfranchised blacks, security for republican government in each State, with public schools for all on a permanent basis, and a fair and equal administration of the law so far as depended on the national Government, in a manner calculated to impress the Southern mind and to encourage loyalty to the national Constitution.

If the reconstruction policy was to be one of conciliation, there was the more reason for its execution in a way to attract to the side of the Government the ablest and most influential of the Southern leaders. Alexander Hamilton said-and the statesmen of his day knew how to reduce maxims to practice-"Our prevailing opinions are ambition and interest, and it will ever be the duty of a wise government to avail itself of those passions in order to make them subservient to the public good, for these ever induce us to action."

General Longstreet, Mr. ex-Secretary McCrary, Colonel Mosby, and a few other prominent Southrons who can almost be counted on one's fingers, accepted the situation, repudiated what Washington, with prophetic vision, called "the monster," State sovereignty, and accepted in good faith the results of the war and the constitutional amendments.

But the Southern leaders of opinion-men like Mr. Alexander H. Stephens, General Wade Hampton (so recently a prince among the

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