Page images
PDF
EPUB

1770]

The Boston Massacre

155

While the govern- British

[ocr errors]

Boston,

VI, 49.

132. The Boston Massacre, 1770. ment and Parliament had been considering the question of soldiers in repeal, a serious affray, known as the "Boston Massacre, 1766-70. had greatly complicated the situation (March, 1770), Winsor's although tidings of the disturbance had not reached EngAmerica, land until after the partial repeal of the Townshend duties (April, 1770). A few soldiers had been stationed at Boston as early as 1766; but it was not until after the rioting consequent on the seizure of the Liberty that any considerable body of troops was sent to that town. It is difficult to conceive why they were sent, as two regiments could have offered slight resistance to the soldiery of Massachusetts, and their presence was certain to embitter the already Impressstrained relations between the colonists and the British ment, 1769. Chandler's authorities. Early in 1769, blood was shed in an attempt Criminal by a party from the Rose frigate to press men into the Trials, naval service; and a short time after, a boy had been 1, 297. accidentally shot in the streets of Boston. On Saturday night, March 3, a party of soldiers, while off duty, engaged The in a conflict with some workingmen returning from their Massacre. labor. The next Monday, March 5, 1770, renewed conflict Criminal began with the soldiers, this time with those on duty on Trials, I, King, now State, Street. Before the matter ended, the main 303-418; guard was turned out and the mob fired upon by the angry Revolution, and frightened soldiers; four citizens were killed and sev- I, 66–72. eral wounded. It was evident to the leaders on both sides that a most serious crisis had arisen; in the temper then prevailing, the soldiers must be removed or they would be slaughtered and a conflict with Great Britain precipitated, which was desired at that time by few colonists.

Chandler's

Fiske's

Hutchinson.
Hart's Con-
temporaries,
II, No. 151.

At the head of a committee appointed in town meeting, Adams and Samuel Adams waited upon Hutchinson, then acting as governor in the absence of Bernard, and demanded the removal of the troops. Hutchinson offered to remove the regiment which had fired on the people. Adams reported this answer to the town meeting. He soon reappeared and said to Hutchinson: "If you can remove one, you can

remove both; there are three thousand people in yonder town meeting; the country is rising; the night is falling, and we must have our answer." Hutchinson promised to send them all out of the town, but it took another town meeting to secure their departure. The officers and men present at the time of the firing were arrested and tried on

[graphic][merged small]

the charge of murder. They were defended by John Adams and Josiah Quincy, Jr., two patriots, who risked their popularity and influence that the soldiers might have the fullest justice done to them. All were acquitted on the charge of murder by a jury drawn from Boston and the neighborhood; two of them, however, were found guilty of manslaughter and branded in the hand. Probably the issues underlying no other event in American history have been so misrepresented by friends and foes as those relating to this so-called

1771] Local Committees of Correspondence

[ocr errors]

157

massacre." The colonists regarded the British army as existing under British law and, therefore, they maintained that not a soldier could be constitutionally stationed in any colony without the consent of the colonial legislature. This theory was similar to that upon which the opposition to the Stamp Act and the Townshend Acts was based. From another point of view the "massacre" was important, as it showed the danger to the liberty of the subject incurred by the substitution of military for civil power. The event was

therefore commemorated in Boston as a victory for freedom, until the adoption

[graphic]

of the Declaration of Independence, on July 4, 1776, gave the people of the whole country a day of general rejoicing.

133. Local Committees of Correspondence. After the removal of the soldiers, affairs in Massachusetts assumed a quieter aspect than they had borne for years. Hutchinson chose this time of quiet to open a discussion with the

House of Representa

Thomas Hutchinson

He

tives as to the rights and duties of the colonists. argued that the position assumed by the colonial leaders was unsound and asserted that they must either submit or become independent. Undoubtedly Hutchinson was right; there was no constitutional mode of redress; the colonists were face to face with the alternative of submission or rebellion and the latter might lead to revolution and independence. Samuel Adams saw at once the opportunity such a debate gave him to call attention to the real issues in controversy. He spread the discussion abroad through

Local Committees of Correspondence. Fiske's Revolution, I, 77-80; *Frothingham's Republic,

259-271.

Hutchinson
and Adams.
Stedman and
Hutchinson,
III, 61;

Samuel

Adams.

Burning of

the Gaspee,

1772.
Lossing's
Revolution,
I, 628.

The

Commission of Inquiry.

out the whole province by means of town committees of correspondence. At the moment, however, Massachusetts seemed to stand alone. An over-zealous naval officer, by the rigorous way in which he sought to enforce the navigation laws, brought on a crisis that ended in the formation of colonial committees of correspondence, the second step in the formation of a complete revolutionary organization.

134. Colonial Committees of Correspondence. Among the many acts of violence committed by the colonists before the destruction of the tea by the Boston men, none led to more important consequences than the burning of the Gaspee by the people of Providence. There were not wanting deeds of daring in other colonies, as the destruction of the Peggy Stewart by the Marylanders; but the Gaspee affair assumed a national importance from the action of the British authorities. The Gaspee was an armed government vessel commanded by Lieutenant Dudington of the royal navy. His duty was to patrol Narragansett Bay and connecting waters with a view to the enforcement of the Navigation Acts. One day, while chasing a colonial vessel, the Gaspee ran aground and remained immovable on a narrow spit, which has since been called Gaspee Point. Led by the most prominent and respected merchant in the town, men from Providence boarded her in the night, seized the crew, and set the vessel on fire (1772). Instead of passing over the matter as a personal quarrel between Dudington and the Providence men, the British government determined to avenge it as an insult to the British flag. A Commission of Inquiry was sent to Rhode Island to sift the matter, to seize the perpetrators, and to convey them out of the colony for trial. The names of those who had taken part in the affair were known to a thousand persons at least, but no one could be found to inform the commissioners against them. Moreover, Stephen Hopkins, the courageous chief justice. of Rhode Island, declared that not a person should be

1772]

Colonial Union

159

removed for trial without the colony's limits. The commissioners abandoned the inquiry and reported their failure to the government. The Virginia Assembly was in session when the news of the appointment of this commission reached the Old Dominion. Now, as in 1769 (p. 153), the burgesses showed themselves peculiarly alive to any action which looked toward the breaking down of the constitutional safeguards of the liberty of the colonists. Under the leadership of Patrick Henry and Thomas Jeffer- Colonial son, a permanent Committee of Correspondence was ap- Committees pointed to inform themselves particularly of the facts as to spondence, the Gaspee Commission, and " to maintain a correspondence 1773. with our sister colonies." Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New Hampshire, and South Carolina ap- Republic, pointed similar committees. For the moment the other 279-283. colonies took no action. The machinery for revolutionary organization had been discovered, however, and before long the action of the British government as to the tea duty forced all the colonies into line.

of Corre

*Frothingham's

bribe the colonists to

pay tea duty

295-310.

135. Colonial Union. — The English East India Company Attempt to was now in severe financial straits, owing to the wars it was compelled to wage in India, to the extravagance with which the government of that country was administered, to the *Frothheavy payments it was obliged to make to its shareholders ingham's Republic, and to the English government, and to the heavy duties levied in England on goods produced in India. The Dutch East India Company was able to undersell its rival, and most of the tea consumed in the colonies was smuggled in from the Netherlands. The English duties on tea amounted to about seventy-five per cent. To help the East India Company, these duties were remitted on all tea exported to Ireland and America. This was done by one of the Townshend Acts, which also levied a new duty of three pence per pound on all tea landed in the colonies (1767). But this policy was not successful, as the East India Company was obliged to make good any deficiency in the revenue that might result. It was now proposed to allow the Company to export

« PreviousContinue »