10. LIN ci dent to the last days of a session of Congress, we have | the affections of her people are so closely entwined and so com not time, did we deem it necessary, to enter upon a tion!! That it was with these views and intentions that set- The open and repeated enlistment of troops in several intrusion of an American Army, by order of the Presi- UNITED STATES. These occurrences are too well known than a passing notice. These have become matters The open avowal of the Texans themselves the fre- -the resolutions of various States of the Union-the The same reference will show, very conclusively, that The following extracts from a Report on that subject, "But we hasten to suggest the importance of the annexation of Texas to this Republic upon grounds somewhat local in their complexion, but import infinitely grave and inter esting to the people who inhabit the Southern portion of this Confederacy, where it is known that a species of domestic rohibited by the anderender those existence is federacy; which system of Slavery is held by all, who are mitted to exist. "The Committee feel authorized to say that this system is prosperity and happiness, and whatever ignorant fanatics may pletely enfibred, and whose value is more highly appreciated, than that we are now considering. * * * * * * * "It may not be improper here to remark that, during the last session of Congress, when a Senator from Mississippi proposed the acknowledgment of Texan independence, it was found, with a few exceptions, the members of that body were ready to take ground upon it, as upon the subject of Slavery itself. "With all these facts before us, we do not hesitate in believing that these feelings influenced the New England Senators, but one voting in favor of the measure; and, indeed, Mr. Webster had been bold enough, in a public speech recently delivered in New-York, to many thousand citizens, to declare that the reason that influenced his opposition was his abhorrence of Slavery in the South, and that it might, in the event of its recognition, become a slaveholding State. He also spoke of the efforts making in favor of Abolition; and that, being predicated upon and aided by the powerful influence of religious feeling, it would become irresistible and overwhelming. "This language, coming from so distinguished an individual as Mr. Webster, familiar with the feelings of the North and entertaining so high a respect for public sentiment in New England, speaks so plainly the voice of the North as not to be misunderstood. "We sincerely hope there is enough good sense and genuine love of country among our fellow-countrymen of the Northern States, to secure us final justice on this subject; yet we cannot consider it safe or expedient for the people of the South to entirely disregard the efforts of the fanatics, and the opinions of such men as Webster, and others who countenance such dangerous doctrines. "The Northern States have no interests of their own which require any special safeguards for their defense, save only their domestic manufactures; and God knows they have already received protection from Government on a most proved and flourished beyond example. The South has very peculiar interests to preserve; interests already violently assailed and boldly threatened. scale; under encouragement they "Your Committee are fully persuaded that this protection to her best interests will be afforded by the annexation of Texas; an equipoise of influence in the halls of Congress will be secured, which will furnish us a permanent guaranty of protection." The speech of Mr. Adams, exposing the whole system of duplicity and perfidy toward Mexico, had marked the conduct of our Government; and the emphatic expressions of opposition which began to come up from all parties in the Free States, however, for a time, nearly silenced the clamors of the South for annexation, and the people of the North have been lulled into the belief that the project is nearly, if not wholly abandoned, and that, at least, there is now no serious danger of its consummation. Believing this to be a false and dangerous security; that the project has never been abandoned a moment, by its originators and abettors, but that it has been de ferred for a more favorable moment for its accomplish ment, we refer to a few evidences of more recent development upon which this opinion is founded. The last Election of President of the Republic of Texas, is understood to have turned, mainly, upon the question of annexation or no annexation, and the candidate favorable to that measure was successful by an overwhelming majority. The sovereign States of Alabama, Tennessee, and Mississippi, have recently adopted Resolutions, some, if not all of them, unanimously, in favor of annexation, and forwarded them to Congress. The Hon. Henry A. Wise, a member of Congress from the District in which our present Chief Magistrate resided when elected Vice-President, and who is understood to be more intimately acquainted with the views and de signs of the present administration than any other member of Congress, most distinctly avowed his desire for, and expectation of annexation, at the last session of Congress. Among other things, he said, in a speech delivered January 26, 1842: "True, if Iowa be added on the one side, Florida will be added on the other. But there the equation must stop. Let one more Northern State be admitted, and the equilibrium is gone-gone forever. The balance of of interests is gone-the safeguard of American property-of the American Constitutionof the American Union, vanished into thin air. This must be the inevitable result, unless by a treaty with Mexico, THE SOUTH CAN ADD MORE WEIGHT TO HER END OF THE LEVER? Let the South stop at the Sabine, (the eastern boundary of Texas,) while the North may spread unchecked beyond the Rocky Mountains AND THE SOUTHERN SCALE MUST KICK THE BEAM." Finding difficulties, perhaps, in the way of a cession by Treaty, in another speech delivered in April, 1842, on a motion made by Mr. Linn, of New-York, to strike out the salary of the Minister to Mexico, on the ground that the design of the EXECUTIVE, in making the appointment, was to accomplish the annexation of Texas, Mr. Wise said, "he earnestly hoped and trusted that the President was as desirous (of annexation) as he was represented to be. We may well suppose the President to be in favor of it, as every wise statesman must be who is not governed by fanaticism, or local sectional prejudices." "I see, therefore, no political necessity for the a of Texas to the Union; no advantages to be derive and objections to it of a strong, and, in my judgmen character. "I believe it to be for the interest and happin whole Union, to remain as it is, without diminution ar addition." To prevent the success of this nefarious pr preserve from such gross violation the Constituti country, adopted expressly "to secure the ble liberty," and not the perpetuation of Slavery prevent the speedy and violent dissolution of t -we invite you to unite, without distinction of an immediate expression of your views on this in such manner as you may deem best calcu answer the end proposed. NATHANIEL B. BORD THOMAS C. CHITTEND JOHN MATTOCKS, CHRISTOPHER MORGA JOSHUA M. HOWARD VICTORY BIRDSEYE, WASHINGTON, March 3rd, 1843. [NOTE. The above address was drawn up by Hon. Gates, of New-York, at the suggestion of John Quincy and sent to members of Congress at their residenc the close of the session, for their signatures. Many m the above approved heartily of its positions and and would have signed it, but for its premature tion, through mistake. Mr. Winthrop, of Mass., was these, with Gov. Briggs, of course; Mr. Fillmore signing it.] The letters of Messrs. Clay and Van 1 taking ground against annexation, witho consent of Mexico, as an act of bad fait aggression, which would necessarily res war, which appeared in the spring of make slight allusions, if any, to the Sl aspect of the case. In a later letter, Mr declared that he did not oppose annexati account of Slavery, which he regarded temporary institution, which, therefore, not to stand in the way of a permanent ac tion. And, though Mr. Clay's last letter subject, prior to the election of 1844, reite and emphasized all his objections to annex under the existing circumstances, he did n clude the existence of Slavery. The defeat of Mr. Van Buren, at the more Nominating Convention-Mr. Polk selected in his stead, by a body which had supposed pledged to renominate the ex-1 dent-excited considerable feeling, espe among the Democrats of New-York. A nu of their leaders united in a letter, termed "Secret Circular," advising their bret while they supported Polk and Dallas, careful to vote for candidates for Congress would set their faces as a flint against anr tion, which was signed by DAVID DUDLEY FIELD, ISAAC TOWNSEND. Silas Wright, then a Senator of the U States, and who, as such, had opposed Tyler Treaty of Annexation, was now for Governor, as the only man who could the State of New-York for Polk and Dallas. a democratic speech at Skaneateles, N. Y., Wright had recently declared that he c never consent to Annexation on any te which would give Slavery an advantage Freedom. This sentiment was reiterated amplified in a great Convention of the De cracy, which met at Herkimer, in the autumn of this year. The contest proceeded with great earnestness throughout the Free States, the supporters of Polk and of Birney (the Abolition candidate for President), fully agreeing in the assertion that Mr. Clay's position was equally favorable to Annexation with Mr. Polk's. Mr. Birney in a letter published on the eve of the Election, declared that he regarded Mr. Clay's election as more favorable to Annexation than Mr. Polk's, because, while equally inclined to fortify and extend Slavery, he possessed more ability to influence Congress in its favor. Before this time, but as yet withheld from, and unknown to, the public, Mr. Calhoun, now President Tyler's Secretary of State, and an early and powerful advocate of Annexation, had addressed to Hon. Wm. R. King, our Embassador at Paris, an official dispatch from which we make the following extracts: MR. CALHOUN TO MR. KING. Washington, August 12, 1344. SIR-I have laid your dispatch, No. 1, before the President, who instructs me to make known to you that he has read it with much pleasure, especially the portion which relates to your cordial reception by the King, and his assurance of friendly feelings toward the United States. The President, in particular, highly appreciates the declaration of the King, that in no event, would any steps be taken by his government in the slightest degree hostile, or which would give to the United States just cause of complaint. It was the more gratifying from the fact, that our previous information was calculated to make the impression that the government of France was prepared to unite with Great Britain in a joint protest against the annexation of Texas, and a joint effort to induce her Government to withdraw the proposition to annex, on condition that Mexico should be made to acknowledge her independence. He is happy to infer from your dispatch that the information, so far as it relates to France, is in all probability without foundation. You did not go further than you ought, in assuring the King that the object of Annexation would be pursued with unabated vigor, and in giving your opinion that a decided majority of the American people were in its favor, and that it would certainly be annexed at no distant day. I feel confident that your anticipation will be fully realized at no distant period. Every day will tend to weaken that combination of political causes which led to the opposition of the measure, and to strengthen the conviction that it was not only expedient, but just and necessary. But to descend to particulars: it is certain that while England, like France, desires the independence of Texas, with the view to commercial connections, it is not less so that one of the leading motives of England for desiring it, is the hope that, through her diplomacy and influence, Negro Slavery may be abolished there, and ultimately, by consequence, in the United States and throughout the whole of this continent. That its ultimate abolition throughout the entire continent is an object ardently desired by her, we have decisive proofs in the declaration of the Earl of Aberdeen, delivered to this Department, and of which you will find a copy among ng the documents transmitted to Congress with the Texan treaty. That she desires its abolition in Texas, and has used her influence and diplomacy to effect it there, the same document, with the correspondence of this Department with Mr. Packenham, also to be found among the documents, furnishes proof not less conclusive. That one of the objects of abolishing it there is to facilitate tabelition in the United States, and throughout the tion party and societies both in this country and in England. In fact, there is good reason to believe that the scheme of abolishing it in Texas, with a view to its abolition in the United States, and over the continent, originated with the prominent members of the party in the United States; and was first broached by them in the (so called) World's Convention, held in London in the year 1840, and through its agency brought to the notice of the British Government. Now, I hold, not only that France can have no interest in the consummation of this grand scheme, which England hopes to accomplish through Texas, if she can defeat the Annexation, but that her interests, and those of all the Continental powers of Europe are directly and deeply opposed to it. The election of James K. Polk as President, and George M. Dallas as Vice-President, (Nov. 1844) having virtually settled, affirmatively, the question of annexing Texas, the XXVIIIth Congress commenced its second session at Washington, on the 2d of December, 1844-Mr. John Tyler being still acting President up to the end of the Congress, March 4th following. Dec. 19. Mr. John B. Weller, (then member from Ohio) by leave, introduced a joint resolution, No. 51, providing for the annexation of Texas to the United States, which he moved to the Committee of the Whole. Mr. E. S. Hamlin, of Ohio, moved a reference of said resolve to a Committee of one from each State, with instructions to report Whether the annexation of Texas would not extend and perpetuate Slavery in the Slave States, and also, the internal Slave-trade; and whether the United States Government has any Constitutional power over Slavery in the States, either to perpetuate it there, or to do it away. The question on commitment was insisted upon, and first taken-Yeas, 109 (Democrats); Nays, 61 (Whigs); whereupon it was held that Mr. Hamlin's amendment was defeated, and the original proposition alone committed. January 10th, 1845.- Mr. John P. Hale, of New-Hampshire, (then a Democratic Representative, now a Republican Senator) proposed the following as an amendment to any act or resolve contemplating the annexation of Texas to this Union: Provided, That immediately after the question of boundary between the United States of America and Mexico shall have been definitiveiy settled by the two Governments, and before any State formed out of the Territory of Texas shall be admitted into the Union, the said Territory of Texas shall be divided as follows, to wit: beginning at a point on the Gulf of Mexico, midway between the Northern and Southern boundaries thereof on the coast; and thence by a line running in a Northwesterly direction to the extreme boundary thereof, so as to divide the same as nearly as possible into two equal parts, and in that portion of said Territory lying South and West of the line to be run as aforesaid, there shall be neither Slavery nor involuntary servitude, otherwise than in the punishment of crimes, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted. And provided further, That this provision shall be considered as a compact between the people of the United States and the people of the said Territory, and forever remain unalterable, unless by the consent of three-fourths of the States of the Union. Mr. Hale asked a suspension of the rules, to enable him to offer it now, and have it printed and committed. Refused-Yeas, 92 (not twothirds); Nays, 81. Yeas-All the Whigs* and most of the Democrats from the Free States. with Messrs. Duncan L. Clinch and Alexander H. Stephens, of Georgia, and George W. Summers, of Virginia. Nays-All the members from Slave States, except the above, with the following from Free States: : i Smith-3. ILLINOIS.-Orlando B. Ficklin, Joseph P. Hoge, Robert | aforesaid was agreed to-Yeas, 11 December 12th. - Mr. C. J. Ingersoll, of Penn- to the Union, which was committed and dis cussed in Committee of the Whole from time to January 7th.-Mr. J. P. Hale presented re- Resolved, That we agree with Mr. Clay, that the reannexation of Texas will add more Free than Slave States to the Union; and that it would be unwise to refuse a permanent acquisition, which will exist as long as the globe remains, on account of a temporary institution. January 13th. - Mr. Cave Johnson, of Tennessee, moved that all further debate on this subject be closed at 2 P.M. on Thursday next. Carried-Yeas, 136; Nays, 57; (nearly all the Nays from Slave States.) January 25th. The debate, after an exten- and the Joint Resolution taken out of Commit- Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representa- tives in Congress assembled, That Congress doth con the people of said Republic, by deputies in Convention assembled, with the consent of the existing Government, 2. And be it further resolved, That the foregoing con- First. Said State to be formed, subject to the adjustment by this Government of all questions of boundary that may arise with other governments; and the Constitution thereof, with the proper evidence of its adoption mitted to the President of the United States,lebrand before Congress for its final action, on or before the 1st by people of said Republic of Texas, day of January, 1846. Second. Said State, when admitted into the Union, after ceding to the United States all public edifices, forti- but in no event are said debts and liabilities to become Third. New States of convenient size, not exceeding Slavery or involuntary servitude (except for crime) shall be prohibited. Mr. Cave Johnson, of Tennessee, moved the previous question, which the House seconded-Yeas, 113; Nays, 106-and then the amendment 101. Yeas-114 Democrats, and Messr Brown, of Tennessee; James Dellet, of and Duncan L. Clinch, and Alex: Stephens, of Georgia, (4) Southern W Nays-all the Whigs present from F with all from Slave States, but the named; with the following Democra Free States: MAINE.-Robert P. Dunlap, Hannibal Ham Stetson-12. OHIO.-Jacob Brinckerhoff, William C. м MICHIGAN. James B. Hunt, Robert McClella Total Whigs from Free and Slave States,. The House then ordered the whole tion to a third reading forthwith--Ye Nays-all the Whigs from Free Sta those from Slave States except as above 23 Democrats from Free States. So the resolve passed the House, a sent to the Senate for concurrence. In Senate, several attempts to originate in favor of Annexation were made at t sion, but nothing came of them. February ary 24th. The joint resolution said from the House was taken up fo sideration by 30 Yeas to 11 Nays (all No Whigs). On the 27th, Mr. Walker, of V sin, moved to add an alternative prop contemplating negotiation as the mes effecting the meditated end. Mr. Foster, (Whig) of Tennessee, pro That the State of Texas, and such other States be formed out of that portion of the present Terr Texas, lying south of thirty-six degrees thirty north latitude, commonly known as the Missou promise line, shall be admitted into the Union without Slavery, as the people of each State, so h asking admission, may desire. On which the question was taken. Ye Whigs but 3) 18; Nays, 34. Various amendments were proposed and down. Among them, Mr. Foster, of moved an express stipulation that Slavery be tolerated in all States formed out Territory of Texas, south of the Missou of 36° 30′. Rejected-Yeas, 16 (Son Whigs, and Sevier, of Arkansas); Nays, Mr. Miller, of N. J., moved that the existence very be forever prohibited in the northern and nor ern part of said Territory, west of the 100th deg latitude west from Greenwich, so as to divide, as as may be, the whole of the annexed country b Slaveholding and Non-Slaveholding States. Yeas, 11; all Northern Whigs, excer Crittenden, Ky. Nays, 33. The vote in the Senate on the joint reso for Annexation stood, Yeas, 26, all I And whereas, Congress, in the organization of a terri crats but 3; Nays, 25, (all Whigs). In the (all Whigs). THE WILMOT PROVISO. Texas having been annexed during the summer of 1845, in pursuance of the joint resolution of the two Houses of Congress, a portion of the United States Army, under Gen. Taylor, was, early in the spring of 1846, moved down to the east bank of the Rio Grande del Norte, claimed by Texas as her western boundary, but not so regarded by Mexico. A hostile collision ensued, resulting in war between the United States and Mexico. It was early thereafter deemed advisable that gress at the President's disposal to negotiate an Provided, That as an express and fundamental con- This proviso was carried in Committee, by the Whole.) The bill was then reported to the Mr. Tibbatts, of Ky., moved that it do lie on tory, established a principle worthy of imitation in all future time, forbidding the existence of Slavery in free territory; Therefore, Resolved, That in any Territory, that may be acquired from Mexico, over which shall be established territorial governments, Slavery, or involuntary servi tude, except as a punishment for crime, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall be forever prohibited; and that in any act or resolution establishing such governments, a fundamental provision ought to be inserted to that effect. Mr. R. Brodhead, of Penn., moved that this resolution lie on the table. Carried: Yeas, 105; Nays, 93. Yeas-all the members from Slave States, but John W. Houston (Whig), of Delaware, with the following from Free States (all Demo crats but Levin): MAINE,-Asa W. H. Clapp, Franklin Clark, Jas. S. Wiley, Hezekiah Williams-4. NEW-YORK.- Ausburn Birdsall, David S. Jackson, Frederick W. Lord, William B. Maclay-4. PENNSYLVANIA. Richard Brodhead, Charles Brown, Lewis C. Levin, Job Man-4. OHIO.-William Kennon, jr., John K. Miller, Thomas Richey, William Sawyer-4. INDIANA.-Charles W. Cathcart, Thomas J. Henley, John Pettit, John L. Robinson, William W. Wicker Nays-all the Whigs and a large majority of the Democrats from Free States, with John W. Houston aforesaid. This vote terminated all direct action in favor of the Wilmot Proviso for that Session. July 18th. In Senate, Mr. Clayton, of Del., from the Select Committee to which was referred, on the 12th inst., the bill providing a territorial government for Oregon, reported a bill to establish Territorial governments for Oregon, New Mexico, and California, which was read. (It proposed to submit all questions as to the rightful existence or extent of Slavery in the Territories to the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States.) July, 24th.-Second reading. Mr. Baldwin, of Conn., moved to strike out so much of said bill as relates to California and New Mexico. Rejected: Yeas, 17 (Northern Free Soil men of both parties); Nays, 37. The bill was discussed through several succeeding days. On the 26th, Mr. Clarke, of R. I., moved to add to the 6th section: and William P. Thomasson, of Ky. (Whigs) of the provisional government of said Territory permit voting with the North against it. The bill was then engrossed for its third reading by Yeas 85, Nays, 80; and thus passed without further division. A motion to reconsider was laid on the table-Yeas, 71; Nays, 83. So the bill was passed and sent to the Senate, where Mr. Dixon H. Lewis, of Alabama, moved that the Proviso above cited be stricken out; on which debate arose, and Mr. John Davis of Mass., was speaking when, at noon of August 10th, the time fixed for adjournment having arrived, both Houses adjourned without day. The XXXth Congress assembled Dec. 6, 1847. Feb. 28th 1848, Mr. Putnam of New-York moved the following: Whereas, In the settlement of the difficulties pending between this country and Mexico, territory may be acquired in which Slavery does not now exis.. Provided, however, That no law, regulation, or act ting Slavery or involuntary servitude therein shall be valid, until the same shall be approved by Congress." Rejected: Yeas, 19 [Col. Benton, and 18 Northern Freesoilers of both parties]; Nays, 33. Mr. Reverdy Johnson, of Md., moved to amend the bill by inserting: Except only, that in all cases of title to slaves, the said writs of error or appeals shall be allowed and decided by the said Supreme Court without regard to the value of the matter, property, or title in controversy; and except, also, that a writ of error or appeal shall also be allowed to the Supreme Court of the United States from the decision of the said Supreme Court created by this act, or of any judge thereof, or of the district Courts created by this act, or of any judge upon any writ of habeas corpus involving the question of per sonal freedom. Carried; Yeas, 31 (all sorts); Nays, 19 (all Southern, but Bright, Dickinson, and Hannegan). Mr. Baldwin, of Connecticut, moved an additional section, as follows: |