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Abolition admit adopted answer argument attention become believe bill bring carry charge Chicago Clay compromise Congress Constitution convention course decide decision declared Democratic desire divided doctrine Dred Scott decision election entire equal exclude exist expect expressed fact fathers favor follow friends give ground half hold Illinois Independence insist institution Judge Douglas Kansas labor Lincoln live matter mean measures ment mind Nebraska negro never North once opinion opposed party passed peace political popular position present principle promise proposition prove question race reason reference regard Republican Senate sentiment slave slavery South sovereignty speech Springfield stand suppose Supreme Court taken tell Territory thing thought tion true Trumbull understand Union United vote Whigs whole wish wrong
Page 110 - We are now far into the fifth year since a policy was initiated with the avowed object and confident promise of putting an end to slavery agitation. Under the operation of that policy, that agitation has not only not ceased, but has constantly augmented. In my opinion it will not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. 'A house divided against itself cannot stand.
Page 111 - I do not expect the house to fall, but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction; or its advocates will push it forward till it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new, North as well as South.
Page 89 - I hold that notwithstanding all this there is no reason in the world why the negro is not entitled to all the natural rights enumerated in the Declaration of Independence, — the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. I hold that he is as much entitled to these as the white man.
Page 225 - Can the people of a United States Territory, in any lawful way, against the wish of any citizen of the United States, exclude slavery from its limits prior to the formation of a State constitution?
Page 201 - I have no purpose directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so ; and I have no inclination to do so.
Page 65 - Now, as we have already said in an earlier part of this opinion, upon a different point, the right of property in a slave is distinctly and expressly affirmed in the Constitution.
Page 155 - This they said, and this they meant. They did not mean to assert the obvious untruth that all were then actually enjoying that equality, nor yet that they were about to confer it immediately upon them. In fact, they had no power to confer such a boon. They meant simply to declare the right, so that enforcement of it might follow as fast as circumstances should permit.
Page 108 - ... Let us discard all this quibbling about this man and the other man ; this race and that race and the other race being inferior, and therefore they must be placed in an inferior position ; discarding our standard that we have left us.
Page 285 - A few men own capital, and that few avoid labor themselves, and, with their capital, hire or buy another few to labor for them. A large majority belong to neither class -neither work for others, nor have others working for them.
Page 202 - I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of bringing about in any way the social and political equality of the white and black races — that I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of making voters or jurors of negroes, nor of qualifying them to hold office, nor to inter-marry with white people...